Ease of remarriage for females: a cross-cultural test of competing explanations

Using data on the relative status of women in 93 societies, the authors attempt "to identify and test two explanations for the existence of sex biases in norms governing remarriage. These explanations focus on the benefits derived from imposing restrictions on women's opportunities in the remarriage process and the countervailing power women command to resist subordination and the limitation of their freedom." Results of a multiple classification analysis indicate that "both theories taken together do predict cross-cultural variation in sex biases in remarriage norms. In general, women experience more difficulty than men in remarriage in societies where females have little power in domestic contexts, there is low value attached to women's economic contribution and women have little control over property, control of female sexual expression is high, and the levirate is practiced."     

Fertility and adaptation: Indochinese refugees in the United States

"Levels of fertility among Indochinese refugees in the United States are explored in the context of a highly compressed demographic transition implicit in the move from high-fertility Southeast Asian societies to a low-fertility resettlement region. A theoretical model is developed to explain the effect on refugee fertility of social background characteristics, migration history and patterns of adaptation to a different economic and cultural environment controlling for marital history and length of residence in the U.S." The chief source for the data and analyses is the Indochinese Health and Adaptation Research Project (IHARP), San Diego State University. "Multiple regression techniques are used to test the model which was found to account for nearly half of the variation in refugee fertility levels in the United States. Fertility is much higher for all Indochinese ethnic groups than it is for American women; the number of children in refugee families is in turn a major determinant of welfare dependency. Adjustments for rates of natural increase indicate a total 1985 Indochinese population of over one million, making it one of the largest Asian-origin populations in the United States."     

Explaining ”Male Chauvinism” and ”Feminism”:

Paradoxically, contemporary evolutionary biology provides an impartial way to study the contradiction, in comtemporary Western democracies, between egalitarian political principles and practices discriminating between men and women. After developing the cost-benefit approach to "inclusive fitness," and showing that it soes not entail genetic reductionism, differences in male and female gender roles are explored from an evolutionary perpective. Human societies have varied from the equality and complementary of the two sexes among hunter-gatherers like the !Kung to the radical inequality of females in hypergynous systems like that of traditional India. Two enviromental variables-social stratification and the reliability of resources-are critical in the emergence of the attitudes and practices conventionally described as "male chauvinism." In industrial societies of relative abundance and security, such discrimination against females is shown to be an anachromism correlated with those social strata characterized by psychological insecurity and the desire to protect acquired status and material wealth.     

Migration,natality and fertility: some Caribbean evidence

"This research note explores the macrolevel impact of external migration on the demographic behavior of Caribbean islands. The analysis provisionally argues that the massive mobility of Caribbean peoples in the postwar era--primarily of young, reproductive (especially female), working-age cohorts--has inversely affected natality and population growth in sending societies, and reversed these effects in receiving societies. Results further suggest secondarily and quite indirectly that migration may also influence fertility patterns in similar directions through the impacts of age-sex imbalances on mating behavior and family formation."     

Land settlement policies and population redistribution in developing countries: performance,problems and prospects

The author describes and compares land settlement in various developing countries, focusing on the movement of people to underutilized agricultural areas. "The purpose of this article is fourfold: first, to discuss the performance of settlement programmes, concentrating on the extent to which they have achieved their population redistribution and other objectives; second, to analyse major economic and social problems confronting them; third, to identify factors that have contributed to their success or failure; and, fourth, to assess alternative policy options." This analysis of land settlement programs "suggests that so far they have made no more than a modest contribution to the solution of the problems of population distribution, unemployment and poverty."     

North American Travel Narratives and the Ordering/Othering of South America (c. 1810–1860)

Abstract During the post-independence period, North American authors of travel narratives engaged in a double construction of "South America": the othering typical of other travel narratives and the ordering of the diversity of the region's societies, economies and polities according to gender, racial, and class categories. Describing social and institutional landscapes, authors projected preoccupations common to the expansive cultures of North America into "South America." Unable to homogenize the Other or naturalize the landscape, travellers used the space of the narrative to reflect upon the nature and future of "America".     

East-west vs. south-north migration: effects upon the recruitment areas of the 1960s

"This article is focused on Turkey and Turkish emigration abroad. It examines integration of second generation immigrants in Western Europe and various forces fostering Islamic identity. It then compares political discourse on immigration in France and Germany. It concludes that the resurgence of ethnic identity as the basis for effective political action in widely divergent societies is a key feature of the post-Cold War period."     

The world economy and contemporary migration

While not enough is known about international proletarian diasporas to be able to say much about their present or future behaviors, it is clear that they are closely tied to the key problems of the world today: establishing greater equality between and within societies and doing so under conditions of cultural pluralism that is no longer based on exploitation and domination, but on grounds which lead to a mutual enrichment of social life in both sending and receiving countries. The agenda for future research is to examine these issues in detail, cross-nationally and comparatively. For example, we must study the strategies involved in such migration variations as "commuting," "trial" migration, and "visiting," and what implications these apparently widespread practices have for the receiving societies, as well as the moral obligations of these societies, which have developed historically on the basis of labor provided by immigration and continue to depend for capital accumulation and economic growth on the availability of imported laboring hands. Nevertheless, if economic recovery in the advanced nations should continue to lag, if there are new recessions, or if dramatic improvements in employment opportunities in developing countries fail to materialize, migration across international boundaries may become even more volatile. Since the political, economic, and ethical questions which migration poses for both sending and receiving societies have become potentially explosive issues, it is imperative that they be debated and coherent and appropriate guidelines established.     

Race: The Mythic Root of Racism

The term "race" was introduced into science two and a half centuries ago as an arbitrary convenience to describe geographic groupings of humans. These ad hoc racial taxonomies were seized upon, however, as "scientific" justification for slavery and other forms of social, political, and economic oppression. Over the last fifty years, geneticists and biologists have quietly abandoned race as a scientific concept, leaving the general public unaware that racial categories, associated only with culturally selected, physically superficial characteristics, are social rather than genetic. As a result, most individuals remain "racist" in the sense of predicating interaction on racial assignments thought to reflect deep physiological differences. Some of these are conventionally recognized "mean racists." The remainder, however, could well be considered "kind racists," for their seeming benign tolerance defines limits to integration, and their unreflective perpetuation of the enabling belief of racism, that races exist physiologically, serves as a wellspring for mean racism during social crises. Many societies are thus much more racist than they appear. Since the belief that others are physically distinct tends to extend social distance and exacerbate hostility, analysts of social conflict ignore this pool of hidden racism at their peril.     

MODERN MAGIC

The suggestion that students at present day universities participate in magic at exam time may seem unusual. This study views "magic" as behavior directed toward achieving an outcome, involving many everyday and commonplace acts, but seeming to rely for success on some mystical element. Hundreds of personal accounts from students describing their exam-related behaviors provide the basis for a classification system of their "magical practices." The classification yields findings regarding the use of magic for luck and the avoidance of bad luck. Student magic is found to be idiosyncratic, inconsistent, and never malevolent as it often is in preliterate societies. Such differences between preliterate magic, other modern forms, and student magic are related to the complexity and heterogeneity of the larger society, the cultural norms, and the degree of collective action involved.     

Moral codes of mothering and the introduction of welfare-to-work in Ontario

In this paper, I trace how the reform of social assistance in Ontario, especially the post-1990s enforcement of lone mothers' employability via welfare-to-work programs, parallels shifts in dominant moral codes of mothering, from "mother-carer" to "mother-worker." Additionally, I use this case as an entry point to consider the implications of public and policy allegiance to these moral codes for all mothers. The central argument I make is that the introduction of welfare-to-work programs in Ontario did not occur in a neoliberal state-sanctioned vacuum but also involved the circulation of ideas about moral mothering outside of policy into policy.     

Extending Lenski's Schema to Hold Up Both Halves of the Sky—A Theory‐Guided Way of Conceptualizing Agrarian Societies that Illuminates a Puzzle about Gender Stratification

This paper suggests that Lenski's classification of agrarian societies into simple versus advanced, based on the use of iron in the latter, obscures important variations in the gender division of labor and the level of gender stratification. In particular, his categories lump the gender egalitarian irrigated rice societies of Southeast Asia with the great majority of agrarian societies, which are strongly patriarchal. Based on my general theory of gender stratification and experience coding and analyzing gender stratification in the ethnographic databases and fieldwork in 39 countries worldwide, I propose a three‐category alternative. First, agrarian societies are divided according to the technological criterion of irrigation into dry (rain‐fed) and wet (irrigated rice) categories. This distinguishes two gender divisions of labor: a male farming system in dry agrarian and an "everybody works" system in labor‐intensive rice cultivation, in which women are important in production. Second, irrigated rice societies are divided into patri‐oriented‐male advantage and those neutral to positive for women, based on the nature of the kinship system. This distinguishes the gender egalitarian Southeast Asian wet rice societies from the highly gender stratified majority of irrigated rice societies. Furthermore, these distinctions in gender equality are predicted by my gender stratification theory.     

The impact of revolution on social welfare in Latin America

Conclusion The foregoing analysis assessed ways that revolutions affected the social welfare of Latin Americans. It compared differences between societies of roughly similar levels of economic development that did and did not have revolutions, revolutions ushered in by different class alliances, revolutions instituting different modes of production, and revolutions occurring in countries differently situated within the world economy. The class transformations in Mexico, Bolivia, Cuba, and Peru gave rise to more egalitarian societies than they displaced, but low income groups in each country gained most during the new regimes' consolidation of power. Subsequently, the interests of the popular sectors were sacrificed to those of middle and upper income groups. The rural masses benefited from revolution mainly in conjunction with agrarian reforms.Agrarian reforms have been promulgated in all the countries under study, but a much larger proportion of the agrarian population and a much larger proportion of the farmland has been redistributed in the four countries that had political upheavals than in the paired countries that did not. Whereas all the land reforms perpetuate minifundismo, recipients of land titles enjoy a modicum of security and the opportunity to appropriate the full product of their labor, which rural wage workers and peasants dependent on usufruct arrangements do not.Examining the countries that have had revolutions shows that peasants and workers do not necessarily benefit most when they participate in the destruction of the old order. Peasants and rural farm laborers gained land where they were disruptive, but in Mexico only after a global Depression weakened the ability of large landowners to resist expropriation. The Peruvian experience demonstrates that rural laborers may benefit even if they are politically quiescent at the time of the extralegal takeover of power, and that they may, under certain conditions, gain benefits sooner after revolutions from above than after revolutions from below. The level of development of the economy and the way the societies have been integrated into the world economy historically limit what Third World revolutions can accomplish, quite independently of how the upheavals originated. The four revolutionary governments adapted land policies to property relations under the anciens régimes, and they reorganized agriculture to profit from trade. Global constraints have also been one factor restricting labor's ability to improve its earning power and influence over the organization of production. Labor did benefit from the upheavals, but as the postrevolutionary governments became concerned with attracting foreign investment and foreign financial assistance, and with improving profits from trade, labor was marginalized. The Mexican-Brazilian comparison, however, suggests that the middle class and the small proportion of workers employed in the oligopolistic sector benefit more and the richest 5% less in societies where civilian groups have been incorporated into the political apparatus as a result of revolution than in equally industrialized societies where they have been excluded, in the absence of revolution.Revolutionary-linked forces may modify the income generating effect of capitalist industrial dynamics, though not to the advantage of the lowest income earners.The dominant mode of production instituted under the new order is the aspect of revolution most affecting patterns of land and income distribution and health care. To the extent that ownership of the economy is socialized the state has direct access to the surplus generated. Although the Cuban state has not consistently allocated the resources it controls to low income groups, because the Castro regime need not provide a favorable investment climate, it can more readily redistribute wealth downward than can the capitalist regimes. It accordingly has also been freer to redesign the health care delivery system in accordance with societal needs rather than business interests and market power. But the Cuban experience suggests that the distributive effects even of socialist revolutions can be limited. Although socialism allows certain allocative options that capitalism does not, the capacity to improve the welfare of Third World people by any revolutionary means is constricted by the weak position of less developed nations within the global economy, by investment-consumption tradeoffs, and by internal political and economic pressures.     

Urban squatting and migration in Peninsular Malaysia

"This article examines some of the links between the phenomena of urban migration and squatter settlements in the Third World city. This will be done by demonstrating that both are outcomes of fundamental social and political forces that have operated on these societies. Migration and squatting are placed in a context of the historical processes that led to the uneven development of Malaysia. The article offers some explanation for the origin of the inequalities observed in spatial structures--in this case urban housing--by focusing on one of the contributory factors, namely migration."     

Understanding Humanity's Damaged Future

The notion that social facts can be caused only by other social facts is obsolete. Human societies today are affected by biogeochemical change. "Developed" human societies so overuse the finite planet they share with "underdeveloped" societies that the future of all is threatened.
Medicine's prosthesis concept becomes useful for sociology when extended beyond referring to devices for replacing lost body parts or restoring impaired sensory powers. If we regard all modern tools and machines as prosthetic devices, we see them enabling humans to act as giants—giving us colossal resource appetites and huge environmental impacts.
Prosthetic apparatus (and familiar assumptions) previously useful are subject to obsolescence. But there is cultural lag. Conceptual habits restrict the way we see our world. The bubble of twentieth century experience obstructs our understanding of the future into which we giants are plummeting. To explain severe hardships ahead in the twenty-first century, sociologists need to break out of our discipline's traditional conceptual bubble. Twentieth century expectations have become misleading. The basis of past progress (a carrying capacity surplus) is gone, replaced by a carrying capacity deficit. Earth's diminished carrying capacity will sustain fewer (dinosaur-equivalent) Homo colossus than original Homo sapiens .     

Post-1945 international migration: New Zealand,Australia and Canada compared

"New Zealand's immigration policies and trends since 1945 are compared with those of Canada and Australia. For most of this period, Australia has pursued the more expansive immigration policy while Canada and New Zealand have tended to link immigration intakes to fluctuations in labor demand. All three countries initially discriminated against non-European immigrants but gradually moved towards nondiscriminatory policies based on similar selection criteria and means of assessment. New Zealand has traditionally been more cautious than both Canada and Australia in terms of how many immigrants it accepted and from what sources, but it has recently followed the other two in raising immigration targets encouraging migration from nontraditional sources, particularly Asian countries. Historical, global and national factors are drawn upon to explain the degree of convergence between these three societies."     

"What Group?" Studying Whites and Whiteness in the Era of "Color‐Blindness"

In this article I argue that despite the claims of some, all whites in racialized societies "have race." But because of the current context of race in our society, I argue that scholars of "whiteness" face several difficult theoretical and methodological challenges. First is the problem of how to avoid essentializing race when talking about whites as a social collective. That is, scholars must contend with the challenge of how to write about what is shared by those racialized as white without implying that their experiences of racialization all will be the same. Second, within the current context of color‐blind racial discourse, researchers must confront the reality that some whites claim not to experience their whiteness at all. Third, studies of whiteness must not be conducted in a vacuum: racial discourse or "culture" cannot be separated from material realities. Only by attending to and by recognizing these challenges will empirical research on whiteness be able to push the boundaries of our understandings about the role of whites as racial actors and thereby also contribute to our understanding of how race works more generally .     

Gender and the Public Sphere: Alternative Forms of Integration in Nineteenth-Century America

This paper intends to evaluate two competing models of multicultural integration in stratified societies: the "multiple publics" model of Nancy Fraser and the "fragmented public sphere" model of Jeffrey Alexander. Fraser and Alexander disagree on whether or not claims to a general "common good" or "common humanity" are democratically legitimate in light of systemic inequality. Fraser rejects the idea that cultural integration can be democratic in conditions of social inequality, while Alexander accepts it and tries to explain how it may be realized. In order to address this debate, I analyze the cultural foundations of the female-led, maternally themed social movements of nineteenth-century America. The language of these movements supports Alexander's position over Fraser's, though it also suggests that Alexander is mistaken in the specifics of his cultural theory of a general and democratic "common good." While Alexander's model of integration is structured uniquely by what he and Philip Smith have called "the discourse of civil society," the evidence suggests a distinctly alternative, equally democratic code at play in this case, which I have labeled a discourse of affection and compassion.     

DO CHANGING VALUES EXPLAIN THE NEW POLITICS? A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF THE POSTMATERIALIST THESIS

Many social scientists have argued that major political changes have occurred in the postindustrial societies of Western Europe, North America, and Australasia since the 1960s. These changes include partisan dealignment accompanied by a breakdown in traditional political orientations, the appearance of "new social movements," and increasing use of non-traditional forms of political action. One of the most influential account of the origins of the "New Politics" is Ronald Inglehart's "postmaterialist" thesis. Analyzing data from the Political Action surveys, we test two central propositions of the postmaterialist thesis: that postmaterialism constitutes an emerging and categorically distinct type of value commitment in these societies; and that a commitment to postmaterialism leads to a rejection of the state as a means of accomplishing policy objectives. Neither of these propositions is supported. The analyses instead provide evidence for an alternative account that we characterize as "value pluralism," and they show further that even citizens with postmaterialist values endorse the intervention of state institutions to achieve desired political outcomes.