Using census data to study elderly migration: problems and possibilities

Although the elderly are the fastest growing of all age groups in developed countries, their migration remains little studied. Elderly migration differs in several fundamental ways from that of other age groups, but many of the data collection and analysis procedures, as well as basic concepts used in censuses, have been developed with the working population in mind and are of limited utility in studying elderly migration. This article discusses some of the problems using census data to identify movers among the elderly population, and to analyze the characteristics of movers and the causes of migration. The author concludes that it is clear that what is needed with respect to census data on elderly migration is not necessarily new questions to be included. Instead, more appropriate decisions need to be made at the stages of deciding what variables to code and what categories are to be included. In addition, at the stage of determining tabulation programs there needs to be greater sensitivity to finer age breakdowns among elderly migrants and to the selection of cross-tabulation variables which are more relevant to issues and problems of the aged. Hugo suggests that an authoritative agency convene a working group to establish guidelines which address the following issues. 1) What are appropriate age breakdowns? 2) What are appropriate variables for detailed cross-tabulations? 3) Exactly what is an appropriate form for migration data to be prepared for multi-regional analysis? 4) What is the most appropriate way of formatting public use sample tapes to make analyses for assisting in the study of elderly migration? 5) How should the institutional population among the aged be dealt with? Another recommendation which arises out of the issues raised here is that, analysts should give a clear indication of what movers are actually missed by census data and which types of movers are included. Awareness of the limitations of particular data sources is of critical significance to meaningful interpretation of results if one is seeking a better understanding of the causes and consequences of important social phenomena.     

The state of internal communication in Latin America: An international Delphi study

The amount of internal communication research has flourished during the past decade, and scholars have examined the role of internal communication in affecting employee and organizational outcomes. Despite the increasing literature, knowledge, and research of internal communication in Latin America is largely missing. Given this reality, this study explored the status of internal communication in Latin America through the lens of 20 experienced internal communication professionals from nine Latin American countries. Taking a multi-iteration consensus-building approach, this Delphi study enabled the expert panel to individually elaborate and collectively evaluate shared observations regarding the definition, characteristics, importance, and current reality of the field. Specifically, this study examined how practitioners define and understand internal communication, the skills and knowledge needed to perform internal communication, the value of internal communication, and the state of internal communication practice in Latin America. The findings of the current study enriched and diversified the extant body of knowledge that is U.S. and European-centered.     

The nature and scope of international migration data in Nigeria

Nigeria, the largest country in Western Africa, has been attracting migrants from neighboring countries for the past decade or so. Although most of the movement of African migrants has occurred outside the regulatory framework set up to control migration, it is important to know the main elements of the latter to understand the likely limitations of the data collection systems currently in operation. Sources of data on international migration include censuses, arrival and departure statistics, work and resident permits, and sample surveys. The author concludes that, with the exception of information on residence and work permits, the relationship between Nigeria's data sources and the laws regulating migration is weak. Arrival and departure statistics, in particular, are not designed to distinguish migrants from all other international travellers. Lacking the political will to modify the system in accordance with internationally accepted recommendations, the prospects for increasing the usefulness of available data are grim.     

Socialist Feminism in Latin America

The women's movement around the world takes many stances, including women's rights, feminism, women's research, women's auxilaries of political and religious organizations and socialist feminism. Because of its unique political and economic history, socialist feminism is the dominant emergent stance of the women's movement in Latin America. Brazil, Peru, and the Dominican Republic are examined. Socialist feminism is related to both the international women's movement, political trends within each county and constraints of the current political situation. Women's movements in other Latin American countries are also briefly discussed.     

New approaches to the estimation of migration flows from census and administrative data sources

Census data represent an important source of information about migration flows. However, existing estimation procedures based on intercensal projection are often inconvenient to apply and are sensitive to even quite small changes in enumeration completeness. 2 new estimation procedures applicable to data from 2 censuses are developed and illustrated using US data. The 1st method is essentially a modification of traditional intercensal projection techniques, but as a result of working with age groups rather than cohorts, it is simpler to apply and allows mortality of the migrants to be incorporated over the intercensal period. The 2nd method also uses information from 2 censuses, but also uses independent information on the age pattern of migration from administrative sources or from other census questions. The method uses the fact that the age pattern of recent migration is likely to be different from the age distribution of the overall population to distinguish between intercensal change due to migration and apparent intercensal change due to changes in enumeration completeness. If the method's assumptions are met, it is possible to estimate the relative coverage of the 2 censuses as well as the scale of the independent age pattern of migration relative to the coverage of 1 or other of the censuses. The illustrative applications of the methods to US data suggest that both can work reasonably well.     

Latin America and the Caribbean Revisited: Pathways for Research

This introductory article on Third sector research on Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) was designed with two objectives in mind. The first, to present readers with a general up to date of the political, economic, and social overview as well as an actualized context of the region, intending to show the needs and trends that individuals and civil society organizations have experienced in the past 20 years by underlining some main advances and shortcomings for LAC. This was done with the intent and idea to provide the understanding of the issues that require attention to be approached in a scholarly and interdisciplinary fashion with a Third sector studies lens. The second was to present a series of pertinent original articles placed into three distinct axis or categories that correspond distinctively to major trends identified by the guest editors of this special issue as social inclusion and development, human rights and public policies and governance of Third sector organizations. The article clearly introduces original material by fourteen specialists in Third sector research who provide results on an ample and wide range of studies and theoretical analysis of this particular region of the world.     

Poverty and psychological distress in Latin America

The objective of this paper is three-fold: first, to study the psychological distress of the Latin American poor. Second, to study differences in psychological distress between the poor and the relatively wealthy in Latin America. Third, to study how economic growth impacts the psychological well-being of the poor.This paper uses micro-level information from the Gallup 2007 Survey for 16 Latin American countries to study psychological distress of the poor in Latin America; the survey is representative at the country level. The investigation works with approximately 12,500 observations. Psychological distress is measured on the basis of a set of questions regarding a person’s emotional situation the day before he/she answered the questionnaire.The investigation finds out that the poor show greater psychological distress than the wealthy and that the gap is statistically significant. However, it would be inappropriate to attempt predicting a person’s psychological well-being on the basis of his/her poverty condition alone, since many factors affect people’s psychological well-being. The paper also shows that rapid economic growth seems to be detrimental to the psychological well-being of the poor, and that the impact of economic growth on psychological well-being differs between the poor and the relatively wealthy.     

The United Nations recommendations and data efforts: international migration statistics

This article reviews the UN's efforts to improve international migration statistics. The review addresses the challenges faced by the UN, the direction in which this effort is going, gaps in the current approach, and priorities for future action. The content of the UN recommendations has changed in the past and seems to be moving toward further changes. At each stage, the direction of change corresponds broadly to earlier shifts in the overall context of world social-economic affairs and related transformations in international travel and migration patterns. Early (1953) objectives were vaguely stated in terms of social, economic, and demographic impacts of long term settlement. 1976 recommendations continued the focus on long term resettlement and, at the same time, gave more attention to at least 1 kind of short term (work-related) movement. Most recent recommendations have given more attention to other classes of short term travellers, such as refugees and contract workers. Recommendations on the measures and data sources have changed over time, also. The 1953 recommendations were limited to flow data from international border statistics. 1976 recommendations drew attention to stock data and the use of civil registration data to supplement border crossing data. Recent UN reflections recognize that the volume of border crossings has now reached the point where many countries simply refuse to gather data on all travellers, choosing instead to make estimates. It is implied that either sample surveys at border points and/or visas and entry permits may be the best way of counting various specific kinds of migrants. Future recommendations corresponding to contemporary and emerging concerns will require that the guidelines be restructured: 1) to give more explicit attention in international migration statistics to citizenship and access to political and welfare benefits; 2) to distinguish more carefully various sub-classes of movers; 3) to expand objectives of data collection to include an assessment of social impacts to complement the current focus on demographic and economic impacts; 4) and to give more careful attention to ways of estimating undocumented migrants and workers within large streams of other travellers.     

The concept of international migration as reflected in data collection systems

The problems of statistics relating to international migration have been well documented. It is a fact that the concepts of legal nationality, residence, place of birth, time, and purpose of stay underlying those statistics vary considerably, not only between countries but even within countries through time or between different sources of information within the same country. The crusade to achieve greater homogeneity in the concepts underlying flow statistics on international migration was started at least 55 years ago, but despite some encouraging developments, it is unlikely that homogeneity will be achieved during the rest of this century. This article analyzes how these 5 basic concepts are used to characterize migration. Statistical systems generally use at least 1 or more of these concepts to identify migrants from other international travelers. A review of these basic concepts reveals the great influence that legal or regulatory considerations exert, whether explicitly or implicitly, in their definitions. Perhaps one of the most serious problems in understanding how migration is viewed and measured by national statistical systems is to disentangle the legal or quasilegal nature of certain concepts from those that can be taken at face value. The tendency to sift from their meaning all legal impurities and thus transform them into reflections of actual events operates under the assumption that migrants are free agents, able to determine their durations of stay, absence, or the type of work that they will perform. In reality, the freedom of migrants stops where the State's prerogatives start, and statistics often reflect an uneasy compromise between the 2. Despite their many deficiencies, statistics on international migration are a rich source of information, not only about quantitative aspects of the process, but also about how the process is conceived by their generators. A careful evaluation of their meaning, scope, and limitations can be, therefore, a rewarding exercise.     

Latin America and the Postwar Era

Trying out a “Beyond the Bubble” assessment in a social studies methods classroom revealed that the assessment worked much better than any multiple choice item while retaining great ease in marking. However, as discussion of the item showed, the rubrics for the item apply the “sourcing” heuristic so literally that it loses some power. Specifically, any answer from the 19th century is automatically wrong since students are asked to think about a 20th century poster and play. Yet the authors of the play about John Brown, writing in 1930, were indeed thinking about John Brown. Answers that methods students gave that combined an item from the 19th and 20th century demonstrated considerable historical thinking.     

Sticky floors and glass ceilings in Latin America

We employ unconditional quantile-decomposition methods to analyze the gender wage gap (gwg) in the urban region of twelve Latin American countries. Using data from harmonized household surveys we decompose the gwg into an explained component (differences in human capital) and an unexplained component (different rates of return to human capital). We find evidence of sticky floors (larger gwg at the tenth percentile than at the median) and glass ceilings (larger gwg at the ninetieth percentile than at the median). The former are more frequent and their magnitude is generally larger. Working women are more educated than working men all along the wage distribution, which partially hides the ‘unexplained’ pay difference. Finally, we find that poorer countries and countries with more income inequality have higher gwg at the tenth percentile of the wage distribution. Richer countries and countries with lower inequality present larger gwg at the ninetieth percent of the wage distribution.     

Psychosocial aspects of vasectomy in Latin America

Abstract

This paper examines some of the reasons for the paucity of vasectomy programs in Latin America and some considerations which should be taken into account before such programs are implemented. Social constraints, the structure of the Latin American family, and the “machismo” cult are discussed. The authors conclude that if the processes of self‐selection, screening and counseling are employed, vasectomy programs can be just as successful in Latin America as in other parts of the world.     

Trends of international migration since 1965: what existing data reveal

Relying on data from a variety of sources, this article sketches the main trends of international migration during 1965–1996, thus documenting the changes that both the character and the direction of international migration have undergone over the course of time. In doing so, it provides a quantitative basis to assess the validity of certain common tenets regarding the evolution of migration at the end of the twentieth century.
The article concludes that the changes observed are generally less striking than usually claimed, although major historical events, such as the end of the cold war and the transformations it entailed, have had a determining influence in shaping many of the key migration movements occurring since 1985.
In particular, migration originating in the former Eastern bloc countries increased markedly and the dynamics of population mobility within the former Soviet space underwent important modifications. In addition, the end of the bi-polar era allowed the resolution of some long-standing conflicts that permitted the repatriation of large numbers of refugees.
However, the proliferation of ethnic or civil conflict that has accompanied the nation-building process in several regions has led to a series of forced migration movements. These developments plus the social, economic and demographic differentials that persist between countries at different levels of development have continued and will continue to fuel international migration.
By reviewing the quantitative evidence available at the regional level, this article sets recent developments in perspective.     

The impact of revolution on social welfare in Latin America

Conclusion The foregoing analysis assessed ways that revolutions affected the social welfare of Latin Americans. It compared differences between societies of roughly similar levels of economic development that did and did not have revolutions, revolutions ushered in by different class alliances, revolutions instituting different modes of production, and revolutions occurring in countries differently situated within the world economy. The class transformations in Mexico, Bolivia, Cuba, and Peru gave rise to more egalitarian societies than they displaced, but low income groups in each country gained most during the new regimes' consolidation of power. Subsequently, the interests of the popular sectors were sacrificed to those of middle and upper income groups. The rural masses benefited from revolution mainly in conjunction with agrarian reforms.Agrarian reforms have been promulgated in all the countries under study, but a much larger proportion of the agrarian population and a much larger proportion of the farmland has been redistributed in the four countries that had political upheavals than in the paired countries that did not. Whereas all the land reforms perpetuate minifundismo, recipients of land titles enjoy a modicum of security and the opportunity to appropriate the full product of their labor, which rural wage workers and peasants dependent on usufruct arrangements do not.Examining the countries that have had revolutions shows that peasants and workers do not necessarily benefit most when they participate in the destruction of the old order. Peasants and rural farm laborers gained land where they were disruptive, but in Mexico only after a global Depression weakened the ability of large landowners to resist expropriation. The Peruvian experience demonstrates that rural laborers may benefit even if they are politically quiescent at the time of the extralegal takeover of power, and that they may, under certain conditions, gain benefits sooner after revolutions from above than after revolutions from below. The level of development of the economy and the way the societies have been integrated into the world economy historically limit what Third World revolutions can accomplish, quite independently of how the upheavals originated. The four revolutionary governments adapted land policies to property relations under the anciens régimes, and they reorganized agriculture to profit from trade. Global constraints have also been one factor restricting labor's ability to improve its earning power and influence over the organization of production. Labor did benefit from the upheavals, but as the postrevolutionary governments became concerned with attracting foreign investment and foreign financial assistance, and with improving profits from trade, labor was marginalized. The Mexican-Brazilian comparison, however, suggests that the middle class and the small proportion of workers employed in the oligopolistic sector benefit more and the richest 5% less in societies where civilian groups have been incorporated into the political apparatus as a result of revolution than in equally industrialized societies where they have been excluded, in the absence of revolution.Revolutionary-linked forces may modify the income generating effect of capitalist industrial dynamics, though not to the advantage of the lowest income earners.The dominant mode of production instituted under the new order is the aspect of revolution most affecting patterns of land and income distribution and health care. To the extent that ownership of the economy is socialized the state has direct access to the surplus generated. Although the Cuban state has not consistently allocated the resources it controls to low income groups, because the Castro regime need not provide a favorable investment climate, it can more readily redistribute wealth downward than can the capitalist regimes. It accordingly has also been freer to redesign the health care delivery system in accordance with societal needs rather than business interests and market power. But the Cuban experience suggests that the distributive effects even of socialist revolutions can be limited. Although socialism allows certain allocative options that capitalism does not, the capacity to improve the welfare of Third World people by any revolutionary means is constricted by the weak position of less developed nations within the global economy, by investment-consumption tradeoffs, and by internal political and economic pressures.     

States,elites, and inequality in Latin America

In this article, I review the literature on elites and inequality in Latin America with a focus on the emergence of uneven state structures and how they came to foster the needs of elites for protection. States in Latin America are traditionally thought of as facilitating processes of top‐down modernization that transformed traditional agrarian economies into complex urban polities, while maintaining extreme inequality. The state is thus central in the genealogy of inequality and elite privilege in Latin America. The synergy between states and elites continues to mark Latin American societies, and it helps us to understand how major economic and political changes occur without significant changes in inequality. For the most part, Latin America's current uneven states emerged as the result of exclusionary projects of citizenship during the first half of the 20th century and were advanced by the advent of repressive regimes during the 1960s and 1970s. After democratic transitions during the 1980s and 1990s, Latin American states came to be characterized, on the one hand, by procedural democratic institutions and on the other, by high levels of state violence, exclusion, and segmented citizenship. The present situation is one of a problematic equilibrium between states, elites, and inequality.