Journeys of culturally connecting: Aboriginal young people's experiences of cultural connection in and beyond out-of-home care

With growing overrepresentation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people in out-of-home care (OOHC), cultural disconnection is an omnipresent threat. Despite research and inquiries that have highlighted the risk of cultural disconnection for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children living in OOHC, limited research has explored Indigenous children and young people's experiences of cultural connection in the Australian context. Informed by Indigenous Standpoint Theory, this Aboriginal-led qualitative study sought to understand 10 OOHC-experienced Aboriginal young people's experiences of cultural connection over time, including after exit from OOHC, through retrospective interviews that employed a phenomenological lens. It was found that Aboriginal young people experienced cultural connection as a heterogenous process involving identity formation and the practice of culture, enacted as a choice over time. The complexity of Aboriginal young people's experiences of cultural connection over time gives rise to a new understanding of cultural connection as a journey of culturally connecting, wherein the risk of cultural disconnection is complicated by intergenerational child removals, dominant discourse about what constitutes Aboriginal culture, and removal from an Aboriginal cultural milieu.     

ABORIGINAL AUSTRALIA AND NATURAL JUSTICE

Aboriginal men and women continue to be grossly over-represented in police and prison custodial settings. In 1987 the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody was established primarily because deaths in custody were far too common. Commission findings, including over 300 recommendations, were finally publicly released in 1991. In a number of significant ways, it was revealed that the ‘scene had been set’ for premature death both inside and outside custody. In part that ‘scene had been set’ because of the ongoing consequences of colonisation and the legal doctrine euphemistically known as ‘natural justice’. ‘Natural justice’ implies, rather than assures, equality for all before the law. Such fundamental inequality found, and continues to find, intense and tragic expression in high levels of incarceration and deaths in custody.     

DEPENDENT AUTONOMY: A NEW PHASE OF INTERNAL COLONIALISM

The history of colonialism in Australia is summarised into four phases, called external colonialism, internal colonialism, welfare colonialism and dependent autonomy. Four policy frameworks for Aboriginal affairs: subjection and exploitation; protection and segregation; assimilation and integration; and self-determination and reconciliation; coincide with these phases. Contradictions arising from irreconcilable tendencies in liberal-humanist philosophy marked official discourses, practices and strategies during each phase of colonialism. Current policies are analysed in terms of political paradox. The self-determination policy, which promotes autonomy through increased dependency on the state, is analysed as a new phase of colonialism which is called ‘dependent autonomy’.     

Rethinking social work ethics: what is the real question? Responding to Stephen Webb's ‘Against difference and diversity in social work’

Jose J. Rethinking social work ethics: what is the real question? Responding to Stephen Webb's ‘Against difference and diversity in social work’ Int J Soc Welfare 2010: 19: 246–252 © 2009 The Author(s), Journal compilation © 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare. In his recent article, Stephen Webb argued that the real question for social work ethics concerns ‘recognising the Same and of restoring the principles of equality and social justice’. This argument also included raising questions about what should be considered an appropriate philosophical basis for progressive social work ethics. In his view, social work's emancipatory potential has been blunted by overstated and philosophically ill‐informed human rights claims about difference and diversity. He suggested that French philosopher Alain Badiou offers social workers a ‘set of conceptual devices for rethinking social work ethics’. I argue that pressing his points into Badiou's philosophical mould is unlikely to lead to a progressive social work practice, let alone solve the issues identified by Webb. Badiou's philosophical pronouncements about ethics are of questionable value and offer little or no assistance to social workers seeking to establish an ethical grounding for their professional practice.     

On the Consistency of Court Dispositions in the Child Welfare System: A Research Note

An analysis of 4,706 cases of ‘complaints’ under the Child Welfare Act, dealt with by the Children's Court during a two year period, indicated significant differences between the dispositions made in respect of the same complaints by special children's courts in urban areas, by ‘declared’ children's courts in country areas, and by such ‘declared’ courts in areas of Aboriginal concentration. Some of the differences were thought to be attributable to pragmatic and circumstantial considerations associated with the courts' locations. However, significant dispositional differences not attributable to circumstantial factors, that were found between special urban courts, suggested that the observed disparity in dispositions has also a substantive relationship to the courts' differing conceptions of what constitutes the best interest of the child. The findings are discussed in the light of the literature, and some measures that could reduce the existing disparity are suggested.     

Aboriginal Violence: Responding to the Tatz view

In the previous issue of AJSI (November, 1990), Colin Tatz proclaims his chagrin with Aboriginal affairs and the state of play in Aboriginal communities. I in turn am dismayed by the thrust of his ‘essay’. Although I broadly share Tatz's concerns regarding the way events have unraveled, and concur with his suggestion that current policy lacks a sense of history and that a number of realities need to be faced, I part company with him when it comes to the depiction and analysis of the ins and outs of the scene.     

Exposure to interpersonal racism and avoidance behaviours reported by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with a disability

Using the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Survey, this paper examines exposure to interpersonal racism and avoidance reported by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with disabilities. We find that in 2014–2015, 32 per cent of people aged 15–64 without a disability experienced racism compared with 42 per cent of those with a disability. Half of those living with an intellectual or psychological disability reported racism, and about 20 per cent of those with any disability avoided settings such as healthcare, education or the general public due to past instances of racism, relative to 11 per cent of those without a disability. After adjusting for confounding factors and complex survey design, presence of a disability was associated with a 1.6–1.8 odds increase in exposure to racism, more frequent racist exposure and avoidance. Disability was further associated with an approximate doubling of the odds of reporting multi-context avoidance and the likelihood of reporting both racism and avoidance in tandem. Severity of disability, higher numbers of disabling conditions and specific disability types were associated with increased odds of racism and avoidance. Independent of these effects, removal from one's natural family and identifying with homelands was strongly associated with racism and avoidance.     

LEADERSHIP AND ABORIGINAL RECONCILIATION

Calls for greater leadership on the issue of Aboriginal reconciliation are often vague about what they actually mean by ‘leadership’. The most appropriate lens through which to regard leadership on the issue of reconciliation is not the usual notion of leadership‐as‐influence, but instead the theory of ‘adaptive leadership ’, developed by Harvard professor Ronald Heifetz. Applying these ideas to the problems of Aboriginal reconciliation, 1 propose four principles that might promote progress on this difficult and complex issue.     

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment policy and Welfare to Work: The Community Development Programme and the need for new narratives,new alliances and new institutions

The way Australian federal governments have approached Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment and welfare policy over the last two decades has been a paradigmatic example of what not to do in policymaking. In the absence of effective engagement or consultation, a series of decisions under Coalition and Australian Labor Party governments have had a range of negative consequences for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. These changes – centred around the closure of the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme and implementation of the Community Development Programme (CDP) – have resulted in increased unemployment, inadequate support for job creation, a dramatic over‐application of income penalties to social security recipients and reduced capacity in many community organisations. This article argues that these outcomes constitute policy failure, especially given that genuine engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people could have prevented many of these consequences. It then turns to an exploration of three ways in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are responding to such policy failure: through promotion of new narratives, new alliances, and new institutions. The study concludes that while we should avoid “specious hope”, there is room for optimism in a renewed push for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander sovereignty.     

Mental & Social Diagnosis and the English Prison Commission 1914–1939

In this article the author argues that there was a strengthening optimism about the value of psychological treatment between 1914 and 1939 amongst medical personnel employed by the English Prison Commission. This optimism contrasted with the pessimistic eugenic notion that there was an increasing and unreformable underclass which transmitted its inferior mental and physical characteristics biologically. Prison Commission medical staff became openly critical of eugenic proposals during the interwar years and, advised by a number of its medical personnel such as medical inspector and later Medical Commissioner William Norwood East, the Prison Commission was influenced towards the mental hygienism advocated by a growing number of American and British clinicians. Fherefore the Commission initiated a number of experiments in psychological treatment and psychoanalysis in English prisons.     

Losing localism,constraining councillors: why the Northern Territory supershires are struggling

Local government reform in Australia's sparsely settled Northern Territory resulted in the emergence of large, remote area, regional shires in 2008. This paper outlines the history of remote area local government in the Northern Territory since ‘self-government’ in 1978 and compares these new large supershires with the more dispersed system of local government which preceded them. It argues that the large remote area shires are struggling to be accepted by their predominantly Aboriginal constituencies due to two significant changes in ideas. The first is a loss of the ideas of localism and self-determination, which sustained the previous generation of smaller, dispersed local governments. The second is the rise of the idea that the roles of elected councillors in local government should be constrained and those of appointed staff enhanced. The paper questions the wisdom of both these changes in the particular context of remote area, predominantly Indigenous, local government.     

Badiou and the philosophy of social work: a reply to Stephen Webb

Imre R. Badiou and the philosophy of social work: a reply to Stephen Webb Int J Soc Welfare 2010: 19: 253–258 © 2010 The Author, Journal compilation © 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare. Stephen Webb's recent article ‘Against diversity and difference in social work’ claims that the work of Alain Badiou has the potential to be of great use in social work practice. Webb is faced with the problem of a discourse that has eroded any practical meaning attached to notions of diversity and difference, he laments the ‘ethical turn’ in social work practice and blames post‐modernism. Webb views the work of Badiou as a way to reinvigorate social work practice. I claim that Badiou's Being and Event is exclusive to ontology. Connections between Being and Event and possible ‘uses’ of Badiou's subtractive ontology, as an instrumentalisation, are not worthwhile. Critiquing Badiou's non‐ontological philosophies and political polemics is a better way to assess the practicality of his thought outside of his ontology. Webb's conflation of post‐modernism, neoliberalism and the difference, diversity and ethics discourse is also problematic and is critiqued here.     

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and Canadian implementation efforts for indigenous children and youth

Since playing the role of co-host at the 1990 World Summit for Children in New York, Canada has promoted the adoption of the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of the Child at home and abroad. What impact has this unprecedented international human rights document had on Canadian First Nations, Inuit and other Aboriginal groups? This paper looks at Canada's implementation of this UN Convention, and specifically at Canadian initiatives for indigenous children and youth. The Indian Act, upon which the Canadian government has based its control over Aboriginals since 1876, is explained. Five national organizations representing various Aboriginal perspectives have reviewed the federal government's efforts to honour the World Summit's‘First Call for Children,’ and the emergent issues for at-risk children's programming on- and off-reserve are reviewed. The‘best interests of the child’ ideology that has guided the developed world's notions of children's rights has evolved in a cultural and value-laden context that must now be left for indigenous social scientists, children and youth around the globe to decide for themselves.     

Vygotsky,Wittgenstein, and sociocultural theory

This paper considers the use made of Vygotsky's work by many who take a sociocultural perspective and, in particular, by those who use his work to advance a particular view of second language acquisition and the ‘silent period’. It is argued that Vygotsky's account as represented in Thought and Language (Vygotsky, 1986 ) needs to be thought of as consisting of two distinct aspects: first, the observations he made (or claimed to have made) and, second, the theoretical account he proposed to explain them. It is shown that some of Vygotsky's observations are problematic but that, even if they are accepted, Vygotsky's theoretical account suffers from fundamental difficulties. Thus the support claimed from Vygotsky in accounts of second language acquisition is misplaced, first because of those difficulties and, second, because many who claim support from Vygotsky, do not need or even use his theory but instead focus their attention on his empirical observations and assume incorrectly that if their own empirical observations match Vygotsky's, then Vygotsky's theory can be accepted. Wittgenstein's later philosophy is shown to provide a perspective which dispels confusions about, and gives us a clearer insight into, the issues.     

Leadership,politics, and administrative reform at the United States Section of the International Boundary and Water Commission,United States and Mexico

This paper draws on theories of leadership to explain administrative problems at the United States Section of the International Boundary and Water Commission, United States and Mexico that led the U.S. President, in an unprecedented action, to remove the U.S. Section's Commissioner in 2005. The analysis proceeds from a detailed review of the history and organizational features of the U.S. Section. While popular accounts of the U.S. Section's leadership difficulties invoke an endogenous explanation of leadership failure emphasizing leadership traits and skills, we argue that this explanation should be coupled with an exogenous explanation for leadership failure. Focusing on the U.S. Section's altered administrative environment since the late-1980s, the paper argues that heightened politicization associated with its changing operational environment and mission increased the structural risks of executive failure. The paper concludes by reflecting on the theoretical and practical lessons learned from the U.S. Section's post-2000 administrative difficulties.     

A Brave New World of Personalized Care? Historical Perspectives on Social Care and Older People in England

Social care policy for older people in England continues to generate extensive discussion around the need to break with the past and to deliver a personalized response to need. This article explores the extent to which this represents a complete break with the past by looking at four key reports from the past, namely the Rucker Report (1946 ) on the break up of the Poor Law, the Seebohm Report (1968 ) on the personal social services, the Griffiths Report (1988 ) on community care and The Royal Commission on Long Term Care ( Sutherland Report, 1999 ). Each is interrogated in terms of how social care is defined, how services are to be delivered, how quality is understood and the assumptions made about who will be able to access services. This analysis is used to draw out key continuities in policy assumptions such as the primacy of family and the ongoing debate about ‘What is social care?’ and how it can be distinguished from health care. The article also argues that the voluntary sector has always been seen as a ‘key player’ in social care. Finally, the analysis of the four reports is used to trace the ever changing role of local authorities in the planning, purchase and provision of social care services for older people.     

Major, Blair and the Third Way in Social Policy

Tony Blair's adoption of the catchphrase ‘the Third Way’ to précis New Labour's policy orientation allowed him to distance ‘New’ Labour from ‘Old’ Labour and to appropriate many of John Major's modifications to Thatcherism, albeit framed within a new political language. This article sets out the basic similarities and differences between the social policies of the Major and Blair governments, arguing that, although the policies have been presented within different discourses, there has been a marked similarity in policy content, with Major espousing Third Way policies if not Third Way rhetoric. Indeed, towards the end of his second term of office, Blair started to go beyond the Third Way and towards Margaret Thatcher's favoured model of spirited competition between public and private suppliers.     

A comment on ‘Climate change: Social workers’ roles and contributions to policy debates and interventions'

Peeters J. A comment on ‘Climate change: Social workers’ roles and contributions to policy debates and interventions' In this commenting article, I present several critical remarks about Lena Dominelli's contribution to the issue of climate change and its implications for social work. 1 In my view, her article lacks three important considerations. First, I argue that the issue of climate change should be addressed as part of a broader, fundamental challenge: the transition of the growth‐based economic system upon which our society is built. Second, within a context of social and ecological injustice, dealing with climate change inevitably requires a dimension of social struggle. Third and lastly, I emphasise social work's role in challenging the social, political and economic structures and processes that bring about climate change.     

‘Genuine’ refugees or illegitimate ‘boat people‘: Political constructions of asylum seekers and refugees in the Malaysia Deal debate

Immigration to Australia has long been the focus of negative political interest. In recent times, the proposal of exclusionary policies such as the Malaysia Deal in 2011 has fuelled further debate. In these debates, Federal politicians often describe asylum seekers and refugees as ‘illegal’, ‘queue jumpers’, and ‘boat people’. This article examines the political construction of asylum seekers and refugees during debates surrounding the Malaysia Deal in the Federal Parliament of Australia. Hansard parliamentary debates were analysed to identify the underlying themes and constructions that permeate political discourse about asylum seekers and refugees. We argue that asylum seekers arriving in Australia by boat were constructed as threatening to Australia's national identity and border security, and were labelled as ‘illegitimate’. A dichotomous characterisation of legitimacy pervades the discourse about asylum seekers, with this group constructed either as legitimate humanitarian refugees or as illegitimate ‘boat arrivals’. Parliamentarians apply the label of legitimacy based on implicit criteria concerning the mode of arrival of asylum seekers, their respect for the so‐called ‘queue’, and their ability to pay to travel to Australia. These constructions result in the misrepresentation of asylum seekers as illegitimate, undermining their right to protection under Australia's laws and international obligations.