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Objectives. This article seeks to understand the development of partisanship among Asian Americans since a significant portion do not choose either major party affiliation, but select an independent or a truly nonpartisan status. With a rapidly growing Asian‐American population, examining its pattern for both partisan and nonpartisan identification has been ignored. This research took a developmental process in which acquisition of any partisan affiliation/identification is a critical juncture for Asian‐American political incorporation. Therefore, considering contributing factors that affect the acquisition of any partisan affiliation as a precursor to specific Asian‐American partisan affiliation/behaviors is our direction. Methods. Using a logistical regression model and data from the Pilot National Asian American Political Survey, a category of variables, including sociodemographic, Asian‐American subgroup status, U.S. political orientations and attitudes, and experiences with U.S. society, are used to understand a partisan and nonpartisan affiliation. Results. This study reveals that aspects of socioeconomic status, political attitudes, and immigrant experiences are important, in varying degrees (especially Asian subgroup status) to understand partisan acquisition for Asian Americans. More so, Asian‐American subgroups, persons with lower educational and income levels, and participants in the labor force are less likely to assume a partisan affiliation. Levels of interest in U.S. politics and length of time in the United States do contribute to a partisan affiliation. Conclusions. Viewing partisan affiliation as a developmental process is an important research avenue to approach the Asian‐American community. The inclusion of not only sociodemographic variables, but experiences and evaluation of the U.S. political system, as well as recognizing the political “culture” of Asian‐American subgroups, provides a more complete understanding of the partisan acquisition process.  相似文献   

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Objectives. We examine voter turnout of inner‐city African‐American mothers, many of whom are single parents and endure long‐term, economic hardship. Previous research suggests that income is a more important factor among these groups than in the general population. We seek to understand the interplay of family structure, income, and voter turnout. Methods. We explore these ideas using panel data on 754 mothers living in Chicago and interviewed as part of the 1967–1976 Woodlawn Community Study. Results. We find that marital status has no effect when women are younger but over time single parents' turnout falls behind that of married parents. This is primarily due to factors related to income and income change. Conclusions. Single mothers have lower rates of participation and, given the high rates of single parenthood in segregated inner‐city neighborhoods, this substantially diminishes the political voice of the nation's poor, contributing to class bias in the electorate.  相似文献   

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The current study examines whether the relation between mothers' responses to their children's negative emotions and teachers' reports of children's academic performance and social‐emotional competence are similar or different for European‐American and African‐American families. Two hundred mothers (137 European‐American, 63 African‐American) reported on their responses to their five‐year‐old children's negative emotions and 150 kindergarten teachers reported on these children's current academic standing and skillfulness with peers. Problem‐focused responses to children's negative emotions, which have traditionally been considered a supportive response, were positively associated with children's school competence for European‐American children, but expressive encouragement, another response considered supportive, was negatively associated with children's competence for African‐American children. The findings highlight the need to examine parental socialization practices from a culturally specific lens.  相似文献   

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Recent developments within activation policies emphasise tailor‐made and individualised services; however, little is known of what the effects of these initiatives are. The aim of this study was, therefore, to analyse, in a cluster‐randomised design, the long‐term effects of an individualised follow‐up model on welfare recipients' self‐sufficiency. The follow‐up model systematises the work done by social workers within the Qualification Programme, which is a welfare‐to‐work programme in Norway. In the study, 18 labour and welfare offices were randomised to experimental and control groups. The data consist of baseline questionnaires for Qualification Programme participants (n = 617) and follow‐ups based on administrative data at 12, 24 and 30 months after baseline. The results show significant effects of individualised follow‐up on self‐sufficiency at the 30‐month follow‐up and strong positive trends at the 18‐ and 24‐month follow‐ups. Thus, comprehensive and individualised follow‐up of participants within activation programmes seems to generate positive long‐term effects on self‐sufficiency.  相似文献   

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The government has recently signalled its determination to address both the symptoms and causes of homelessness through the introduction of new legislation requiring local authorities within England and Wales to develop strategic approaches to addressing this issue. Moreover, in common with many other areas of social provision in recent years, the “joining‐up” of services has been identified as a central tenet of these new approaches. In the case of homelessness, then, experience gleaned from other policy fields may prove an invaluable resource, in terms both of guiding approaches and in avoiding potential pitfalls. This paper examines the findings from a study undertaken within one Midlands city to investigate this assumption. Based upon evidence from this study it is suggested that, while precedent can offer this particular policy area valuable lessons, homelessness is an issue which, due to its multi‐dimensionality, offers new and unique challenges of its own.  相似文献   

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This study examined the relations among community violence exposure, inter‐partner conflict and informal social support and the behaviour problems of pre‐schoolers, and explored how mothers' parenting skills and children's social skills may mediate the child outcomes associated with such exposure. Participants were 185 African‐American mothers and female caregivers of Head Start children who completed study measures in a structured interview. Path analyses revealed that greater inter‐partner conflict was associated with more internalizing and externalizing child behaviour problems. Positive parenting was associated with fewer internalizing and externalizing behaviours. Higher levels of child social skills were associated with fewer internalizing and externalizing behaviour problems. Child social skills fully mediated the relationship between community violence and externalizing behaviours as well as between informal support and externalizing behaviours. Social skills partially mediated the relationships between positive parenting and externalizing behaviours. No mediating effect was found on the relationships between inter‐partner conflict and child behaviour problems. Implications of the findings for intervention and future research are discussed.  相似文献   

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