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The relative importance of women's sex‐role orientation and their observation of maternal sexual affection in predicting college women's attitudes toward 18 sexual behaviors were examined in this investigation. A sample of 122 single female college students from intact families was administered three questionnaires: the Attitudes Toward Women Scale, the Mother's Expression of Affection Scale, and the Sexual Attitude Questionnaire. Stepwise regression analysis was used to determine the relative contribution of sex‐role orientation and maternal expression of affection to attitudes toward each of the sexual behaviors. Findings revealed that sex‐role orientation was a significant predictor of attitudes toward 14 of the 18 specific items. More egalitarian views of women were associated with more positive attitudes toward engaging in a variety of sexual behaviors and taking steps to ensure one's own contraceptive security. Mother's expression of sexual affection toward her spouse was a significant predictor of only two behavioral items. Greater exposure to an affectionate mother was associated with more positive attitudes toward speaking affectionately to men and behaving assertively in a sexual relationship. Implications of the findings for family practitioners are discussed.  相似文献   

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Much has been written recently about the supposed decline in the sovereign power of nation-states due to global economic processes and the emergence of supranational governing institutions like the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, NAFTA, the EU, etc. This has posed what some consider a problem for still largely nation-state-centric social theory in terms of making sense of what appears to be a major transformation in global governance patterns and institutions. This article argues that the apparent transformation in global governance is less historically revolutionary than evolutionary with the key being a shift in power relations among capitalist class factions at all levels of governance. Toward substantiating this claim, the article focuses on what some argue to be the (re)-emerging global political-economic significance of subnational city-regions as a result of the apparent geographic rescaling of global governance downward from dominant inter-nation-state relations. Of importance is that this apparent (re)emergence of sovereign actors at the subnational city-region scale is largely the result of this contemporary new regionalist discourse essentially rendering itself a reality. It is therefore a highly contested, and contestable, phenomenon, even in the overwhelmingly neoliberal context of the United States.

Recientemente se ha escrito mucho sobre la supuesta decadencia en el poder soberano de los estados-naciones, debido a los procesos económicos globales y el surgimiento de instituciones de gobierno supranacionales como la Organización Mundial del Comercio, el Banco Mundial, el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte, (NAFTA, por su sigla en inglés), la Unión Europea, etc. Esto ha planteado lo que algunos consideran un problema para una teoría social todavía en gran parte estado-nación-céntrica en términos de tener sentido lo que parece ser una transformación mayor en las tendencias de gobierno e instituciones globales. Este artículo sostiene que la transformación aparente en la gobernanza global es menos revolucionaria históricamente que evolutiva, siendo la clave un cambio en el poder de las relaciones entre las fracciones de la clase capitalista y todos los niveles de gobierno. Para corroborar este argumento, el artículo se enfoca en lo que algunos sostienen que es el (re)surgimiento del significado económico-político global de las regiones-ciudades subnacionales, como resultado de un aparente redimensionamiento geográfico de gobierno global descendiente de las relaciones inter-naciones-estado dominantes. Es de importancia que el (re)surgimiento de los actores soberanos en la escala de región –ciudad subnacional, se debe mayormente a este planteamiento regionalista nuevo contemporáneo, básicamente presentándose a sí mismo como una realidad. Es por eso un fenómeno altamente controvertido y discutible, incluso en el contexto abrumadoramente neoliberal de los Estados Unidos.

由于全球经济进程以及诸如世界贸易组织、世界银行、北美自贸区和欧盟等超国家治理机构的兴起而导致人们认为民族国家的主权权力受到削弱,近来已广为述及。这对在很大程度上仍以民族国家为中心的社会理论提出了一个亟需考虑的问题,如何理解全球治理模式和制度中的重大变迁。本文认为,全球治理中的显著变化与其说是历史革命性的,不如说是渐进性的,关键是各治理层次上资本家阶级各派系的权力关系的变化。为了证明这一主张,本文聚焦于一些人士所认为的(重新)兴起的次国家城市-地区的全球政治经济意义, 认为它是支配性的民族国家间关系下降为明显的全球治理地理再调整的结果。重要的是,在次国家城市-地区层次上主权行为体的明显(重新)兴起,很大程度上是当代新地区主义话语实际上使自身成为现实的结果。因此它是一个高度争论的和可争论的现象,即使是在美国压倒性的新自由主义语境下。

???? ?? ??? WTO, ????, NAFTA, EU ?? ?? ??? ??? ???? ????? ??? ???? ?? ?? ?? ?? ??? ?????. ??? ??? ????? ??? ? ?????? ??? ???? ??? ???? ???? ?? ?? ??? ????? ??? ??? ??? ?? ?????. ? ??? ?? ???? ???? ??? ?? ??? ?? ???? ??? ???? ???????? ????? ??? ????? ??? ???? ??? ?? ????. ? ??? ????? ???? ??? ????? ??? ????? ?? ??? ??? ?? ? ??-??? ??? ??-??? ???? ???? ?? ??? ???. ??? ?? ?? ? ??-?? ???? ??? ?? ????? ??? ????? ? ??? ??? ???? ?? ??? ???? ??? ???? ???. ???? ??? ??? ?? ????? ??????? ?? ???? ??? ???? ????.  相似文献   

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This article goes beyond previous interpretations of the Prigg v. Pennsylvania opinion by focusing on the historical circumstances and lived experiences of Margaret Morgan and her family and other African Americans who lived along the Mason–Dixon line. By examining the ambiguity of slavery and freedom as revealed in Margaret Morgan's status in Maryland and in Pennsylvania, as well as looking closely at the development of case law in both states, this article also provides a thorough understanding of the issues in the Prigg case.  相似文献   

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It was predicted that adolescent girls who had engaged in premarital coitus but who felt that virginity until marriage was important would, compared to coitally experienced girls who did not consider virginity important, come from more traditional families, have fewer positive feelings about their first coital experience, have had intercourse less frequently, and give more external sources of influence for their first experience. Primary data were collected from a sample of 305 Israeli girls, 88 of whom exhibited the attitude‐behavior discrepancy, and 217 of whom were consistent in attitude and behavior. Each hypothesis was supported. The results are discussed in terms of background factors likely to lead to the discrepancy, and the characteristics of adolescent sexuality. The implications for future sexual and emotional relationships of embarking on a pattern of behavior of which one disapproves are suggested.  相似文献   

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This article re-engages with the performance history of the character of Mungo, an enslaved servant from Isaac Bickerstaff and Charles Dibdin's comic opera The Padlock (1768), which premiered at London's Drury Lane Theatre during David Garrick's tenure there. In dialogue with nearly a century of criticism that has misread Mungo as solely a caricature prefiguring the codified racism of the American minstrel show, this article examines contemporary periodicals, libretti, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau's writings on music to posit that the opera's musical representation offered a more nuanced alternative to print's black and white representations of racial and status difference.  相似文献   

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In this paper we look at the educational assumptions that underlie the notion of learning from experience and at the specific circumstance of teaching (participatory) action research in the context of higher education. We take the view that ‘learning from experience’ is not merely a psychological mechanism, but a process of socialisation of its own kind.

By first looking at the ‘basic understandings’ of social situations and learning cultures we draw our attention to a reassessment of the significance of trivia. Accordingly, reflection on action has to pay attention to the small things in the social situation reflected upon. In addition, we use the findings from an earlier research done into what people consider as ‘real' learning and juxtapose them to the hidden curriculum of learning situations in institutional settings such as universities.

We conclude our paper by pointing to the differentiation between learning about, in and for practice.  相似文献   

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Over the last fifteen years radical historiography has demolished the unstated presumption that South African history began in 1652. However, in emphasising the centrality of the mineral revolution, it encouraged a tendency to see South African history as really beginning in 1870. Many recent liberal works have done the same. This article argues that, no matter how much new was brought into South African society by the great transformation of the late nineteenth century, industrial capitalism was able to build on historical processes within pre‐industrial colonial society to a degree that is far greater than is frequently realised. The article develops five main propositions: (i) as a colony, the Cape can only be understood within the context of the Dutch and British empires (ii) a necessary condition for the establishment of colonial agriculture was the generally forcible dispossession of the African population from the land (iii) colonial agriculture relied to a very large degree on forced labour systems, whether the labourers were legally slave or free (iv) almost all colonial farmers were linked to the urban, and so to the world, market, both to sell their produce and to raise credit and (v) the farming community was never homogeneous, but exhibited continual and various degrees of stratification. Focussing on colonial agriculture, the article concludes that capital accumulation by one class to the exclusion of others and with the help of the state had begun long before the mineral revolution, setting the pattern for modern South Africa.  相似文献   

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The antislavery activity of the religious fringe of Atlantic Presbyterianism, Covenanters, has been neglected. Covenanters produced longstanding articulations of antislavery rooted in seventeenth-century Scotland. In America, Covenanters created an ignored alternative to traditional paradigms of slavery debates. They were antislavery Biblical literalists. In the American South, their support of the American Colonization Society (ACS) was an attempt to maintain their faith, and they believed the ACS was their brainchild. Everywhere, Covenanters utilized antislavery to maintain connection to their Old World religious traditions.  相似文献   

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