Religion and Women's Sex Role Traditionalism

Abstract

The relationship between religion and sex role orientations is examined in a 1964 NORC sample of white, married college graduate women. The analysis finds substantial differences among religious groups. Baptists, Catholics, and fundamentalist Protestants have the most traditional sex role attitudes, followed by mainline Protestants, Jews, and religious “nones.” These differences are not explained by controls for social characteristics or religious involvement. It is argued that many of these differences would still exist in a contemporary, more representative sample. Some alternative explanations of the findings are discussed.     

Polarization in Abortion Attitudes in U.S. Religious Traditions, 1972–1998

Studies have shown that attitudes toward abortion are polarizing. Yet, these studies have not focused upon what is often assumed to be the cause of polarization—religion. In this paper I find that polarization has increased between mainline and evangelical Protestants, as well as between black Protestants and both Catholics and white evangelicals. Moreover, I find that mainline Protestants and Catholics are internally polarizing. Finally, while I cannot determine the cause of the internal polarization of Catholics, the polarization within mainline Protestantism is caused by demographic changes. For white evangelicals, demographic changes have restrained polarization that would otherwise have occurred.     

Religion and women's sex role traditionalism

The relationship between religion and sex role orientation is examined in a 1964 study of 4843 white, married, college graduate women. It was hypothesized that 1) women with different religious affiliations differ in their levels of sex role traditionalism, with Catholics and fundamental Protestants being the most traditional, followed by mainline Protestants, then Jews, and finally by the religiously unaffiliated, who are expected to be the least traditional, and 2) these differences can be explained by differences in social characteristics or degree of religious involvement. Sex role traditionalism was measured by asking respondents to identify with either a feminist (career-oriented) or traditional (family-oriented) viewpoint. Baptists and Catholics had the most traditional sex role attitudes, followed by fundamentalists, then mainline Protestants. Women with no religion and Jewish women were most likely to identify themselves as feminists. The relationship of socioeconomic characteristics and sex role attitudes was weak, while the degree of religious involvement seemed to have an independent effect on traditionalism. 2 factors limit the generalizability of study results. Research suggests that a convergence in fertility behavior between Protestants and Catholics has taken place since 1964, although the basic connection between family values and religion persists. Also, a sample of college graduate women is likely to overrepresent agnostics and athiests and underrepresent other unaffiliated individuals, as well as to be weighted toward the upper socioeconomic groups.     

STATUS POLITICS AND ECONOMIC CLASS INTERESTS:

The status politics paradigm has been utilized to examine many social movements, including prohibition and anti-pornography. The model assumes that economic and non-economic factors can be disassociated in such studies. This article disputes this and examines county-level 1918 prohibition referendum voting data from California. California is examined because it had a large wine industry, many breweries, and regionally separated religious and ethnic communities, with Germans and ethnic Catholics in the North and white Anglo-Saxon Protestants in the South. Multivariate analysis shows that status factors influenced referendum voting patterns: evangelical Protestants supported the measure, and ethnic Germans and Irish opposed it. However, economic forces were also instrumental in determining the referendum outcome.     

Status dissatisfaction and out-group rejection: cross-cultural comparisons within Canada*

Le texte présente une analyse de données sur les sentiments négatifs vis-à-vis certains groupes religieux, raciaux et ethniques. Une hypothèse concernant l'effet de la dissatisfaction quant au statut sur les attitudes vis-à-vis les groupes minoritaires guide l'analyse. Celle-ci porte sur des souséchantillons de Catholiques et de Protestants anglophones et de Catholiques francophones, tous nés au Canada. La variable indépendante, la dissatisfaction quant au statut, est mesurée de quatre façons différentes. L'éducation et le statut professionnel servent de variable de contrôle dans l'analyse de chacun des trois groupes linguistico-religieux. On observe dans les évaluations que font les Catholiques francophones une relation, faible mais statistiquement significative, et directe entre la dissatisfaction quant au statut et des sentiments négatifs vis-à-vis les Juifs et les Noirs. Ces résultats ne sont pas obtenus, cependant, avec les deux autres groupes linguistico-religieux. Certaines interprétations et implications de ces résultats sont discutés. An analysis of data on negative affect towards selected religious, racial, and ethnic out-groups is reported. This is guided by an hypothesis from the literature concerning the effect of status dissatisfaction on attitudes towards minority out-groups. The analysis is for working subsamples of English-speaking Catholics and Protestants and French-speaking Catholics, all native born. The independent variable, status dissatisfaction, is measured by four alternative procedures. Education and occupational status are control variables employed in analyses within each of the three linguistic-religious groups. There are some slight, but statistically significant, direct relationships between status dissatisfaction and negative affect toward Jews and Blacks in evaluations by French Catholics. However, these findings do not obtain for the other two linguistic-religious subgroups. Interpretations and implications of the findings are discussed.     

Policy Research and Politics: Some Inferences from the “Coleman Report” for the Policy Role of the Social Scientist

Abstract

The major objectives in this paper are to examine (1) the distribution of socioeconomic characteristics for Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, and (2) the processes of educational, occupational, and income attainment for each religious group. The analysis shows that Catholic and Protestant employed males are not appreciably different in their educational characteristics; however, occupational and income differences are more substantial. The Protestant-Catholic income differences, for example, represent about one-fifth of the mean Catholic income. The analysis also shows that the process of status attainment differs for Protestants and Catholics. The income returns to each additional year of schooling, for example, are higher for Protestants than for Catholics.     

Social mobility and constitutional and political preferences in Northern Ireland

During the past thirty years Catholics in Northern Ireland have experienced unprecedented upward social mobility. Some commentators have suggested that this has led Catholics not merely to adopt the lifestyles of the middle class but also to modify their constitutional preferences, leading to a decline in nationalism. In this paper I examine the relationship between social mobility, on the one hand, and, on the other, both constitutional preferences and political (left or right wing) preferences among Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, using survey data collected in 1996. There is no evidence that Catholics' constitutional preferences are related to their mobility experiences.     

Religion,Crime, and Social Trust in Historic Germany: Are Catholics More Inclined to Violate Social Norms than Protestants?

Are Catholics more inclined to violate social norms than Protestants? A tentative answer is yes due to this confession's attitude towards absolution of sins. Opportunities existed for Christians around Reformation times, for example as sales of indulgences. Catholics and Protestants arguably differed historically in their understanding of whether penitence is feasible or not, resulting in different conditions under which Catholics and Protestants decide in situations of social exchange. This is illustrated by ethical game theory and exemplified by historical data. The analysis points to the tentative suggestion that religious socialisation can affect social payoffs of crime and social trust in a long-term perspective.     

Research Note: Religious Affiliation and Poverty Explanations: Individual,Structural, and Divine Causes

Abstract

Prior studies of people's explanations for poverty have relied upon individual, structural, and fatalistic explanations. This paper explores an additional explanation for poverty, divine intervention. Using a sample of 360 college students, I show that divine intervention is a distinct explanation for poverty. I then examine if or how six religious groups—conservative, African American, and mainline Protestants, Catholics, the nonaffiliated, and those with “other” beliefs—differ in their views of individual, structural, and divine explanations for poverty. Results show that members of conservative Protestant denominations are more individualistic than Catholics and the nonaffiliated. African American Protestants were significantly more structuralist than conservative Protestants. African American Protestants are more likely than conservative Protestants, and both are more likely than Catholics, the nonaffiliated, and those with “other” beliefs, to believe that divine intervention is an important explanation for poverty.     

The Ties That Divide: Bonding Social Capital,Religious Friendship Networks,and Political Tolerance among Evangelicals*

Previous research has overwhelmingly found that Evangelical Protestants are generally less tolerant of outsiders than those of other religious traditions such as Catholics or Mainline Protestants. Using data from the 2005 Baylor Religion Survey, I examine the extent to which political tolerance is related to a bonding type of social capital that is typical of Evangelical Protestantism. Findings support most of the previous research into the relationship between religion and political tolerance, and support the hypothesis that social embeddedness within one’s congregation predicts intolerance among Evangelical Protestants, but not among those of other religious traditions. Implications for research into religious friendship networks and their potential dysfunctions are discussed.     

'We are Irish Everywhere': Irish Immigrant Networks in Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia

In the nineteenth century, Irish immigrants in Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia, showed a strong interest in the affairs of Ireland and its residents. Although a distinct minority in these 'southern' cities, they formed networks through societies, clubs, militias and Irish nationalist organisations to encourage social activities and ethnic connections among their fellow countrymen and those friendly towards Irish interests. These groups provided opportunities for upwardly-mobile immigrants to improve their social status in America, while retaining their 'Irishness'. Charity towards new migrants was thus an important element in retaining ethnicity. Irish Protestants initially dominated these networks, but increasingly, as the century progressed, Irish and Irish-American Catholics came to prominence. Nonetheless, interdenominational networks remained strong. Class and sectarian divisions within the Irish communities of these two cities were not as deep or rigid as they were in some other Irish-American communities. Overall this study highlights the great importance of immigrant networks in assuring Irish integration into host societies.     

Family Size and College Aspirations: A Note on Catholic-Protestant Differences

Data from a study of college aspirations among 40,000 Minnesota adolescents indicate that the relationship of family size to aspirations is somewhat higher among Protestants than Catholics. Overall aspirational differences between religious groups are minor. Further analysis suggests that these differences are probably not a function of financial capacities but rather of more basic socialization practices. The data are used to illustrate an alternative approach in analyzing the relevance of religion to contemporary society: examining processual differences between religious groups rather than concentrating only on outcomes–such as net differences in aspirations. The paper concludes by speculating that social process may be critical in distinguishing Protestants from Catholics but has generally been neglected in contemporary research on religion.     

Ethnic and class factors affecting mental health clinic service

Service delivery by a mental health clinic to clients from an older suburban catchment area containing both lower and middle class blacks and whites was studied. The epidemiologic method was employed, relating service delivery to the characteristics of the various population groups within the catchment. The findings indicate that low service rates for blacks were not related to ethnicity alone, but to the combination of black ethnicity and low social status; however, middle class blacks and middle class whites who entered treatment received similar service. Poor blacks had higher admission rates than poor whites with similar need indicators. In continued treatment, poor blacks received lowest service rates while minority status poor whites living in a predominantly black area received highest service rates. Social class mediated black service utilization. Severity of illness, interacting with social class and minority status mediated white service utilization. Outreach is suggested not only for poor blacks but also for poor whites, especially those living in areas in which they represent an ethnic minority.     

Religious Involvement and Political Behavior: a Log-linear Analysis of White Americans, 1952-1968*

The political distinctiveness of major American religious groupings is well-documented, but the role of church attendance in maintaining these cleavages has been unclear. Analysis of white respondents in five national surveys covering 16 years reveals that church attendance is significantly related to party identification and presidential vote in all but one instance. Application of Goodman's log-linear analysis of contingency tables shows that higher rates of church attendance are related to non-Democratic preferences among Protestants and Democratic preferences among Catholics. In several years, the relationship depends as well upon region of residence. The effects, particularly on the vote, seem to be changing systematically over time as the South becomes politically similar to the non-South.     

‘We are Irish Everywhere’: Irish Immigrant Networks in Charleston,South Carolina,and Savannah,Georgia

In the nineteenth century, Irish immigrants in Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia, showed a strong interest in the affairs of Ireland and its residents. Although a distinct minority in these ‘southern’ cities, they formed networks through societies, clubs, militias and Irish nationalist organisations to encourage social activities and ethnic connections among their fellow countrymen and those friendly towards Irish interests. These groups provided opportunities for upwardly-mobile immigrants to improve their social status in America, while retaining their ‘Irishness’. Charity towards new migrants was thus an important element in retaining ethnicity. Irish Protestants initially dominated these networks, but increasingly, as the century progressed, Irish and Irish-American Catholics came to prominence. Nonetheless, interdenominational networks remained strong. Class and sectarian divisions within the Irish communities of these two cities were not as deep or rigid as they were in some other Irish-American communities. Overall this study highlights the great importance of immigrant networks in assuring Irish integration into host societies.     

Religious involvement, religious context, and self-assessed health in Europe

In the present study, the authors examine the extent to which effects of individual religious involvement on self-assessed health are influenced by the religious context (i.e., religious involvement at the country level). The authors test their expectations using individual level data (N = 127,257) on 28 countries from the European Social Surveys (2002-2008). Results of multilevel analyses show that individual religious attendance is positively related to self-assessed health in Europe. Protestants appear to feel healthier than Catholics. Moreover, modeling cross-level interactions demonstrates that religious denominations at the national level are influential: The health advantage of Protestants as compared to Catholics is greater as the percentage of Protestants in a country is higher, yet smaller as countries have a higher percentage of Catholics. The association between religious attendance and self-assessed health does not depend on the national level of religious attendance.     

Religion,Race, Social Class,and Gender Differences in Dating and Hooking Up among College Students

Students at a mid-size state university in the Southeast were surveyed to examine religion, race, social class, and gender differences in dating and hooking up. Our analyses revealed that dating and hooking up coexist on campus and most students defined hooking up as a sexual encounter. Race impacted dating but the other demographics, social class and gender were not significant for either dating or hooking up. Conservative Protestants hooked up less than Catholics and other Protestants. Seniors have dated and hooked up more than other students, especially freshmen. How students define hooking up impacts their probability of hooking up and their feelings after hooking up also have an effect.     

Religion, social mobility and education in Scotland

The relationship among religion, education and social mobility in Scotland is analysed statistically using the Scottish Household Survey of 2001 . The large sample size allows much greater statistical power for this purpose than any previous source, and thus allows a more reliable assessment of claims that the stratifying effect of religion in Scotland may have declined. The questions investigated are as follows. What are the religious differences in the distributions of class origins and class destinations, in the movement between these (absolute mobility), and in the association of these (relative mobility, or social fluidity)? Do changes in social fluidity across cohorts vary among people with different religious affiliation? Are there religious differences in the association of origins and education, in the association of education and destinations, or in the role of education in social fluidity, and do any of these vary over cohorts? The conclusions are that, in younger cohorts, there is no religious difference in social status, and that in older cohorts Catholics are generally of lower status than Protestants and the non‐religious. Social fluidity does not, however, vary among religious groups, even for older cohorts, and does not change over time. The reason for convergence in social status of religious groups over time is probably the equalizing of educational attainment among the groups: there is no evidence for any of the cohorts that the labour‐market rewards to education differ by religion.     

An Assessment of the Determinants of Religious Participation*

Variations in patterns of church attendance are examined for a 1974 national sample of American Protestants and Catholics. Contrary to past results, socioeconomic status and alienation contribute little, but sociodemographic variables contribute more to the explained variance in church attendance. Region and sex affect church attendance more than education, occupation, or income. Religiosity and confidence in the clergy are the most important determinants of church attendance and together account for half of the total variance explained in church attendance.