论民族意识对民族关系的影响

本文在讨论民族意识、民族认同意识的概念基础上,重点分析了民族认同意识对民族关系的正负面影响。认为民族认同意识的积极作用可以促进民族凝聚力的增强和民族关系的健康发展,民族认同意识的消极作用则会阻碍民族关系的正常发展。因此必须将民族认同意识维持在一个合理的“度”内。所谓“度”,就是民族认同意识的积极作用与消极作用的分界线。要维持这个度,首先必须将民族认同意识过分强烈的民族成员与民族认同意识一般的民族成员分别开来:其次,确定这种过分强烈的民族认同意识对本民族或本国家是否产生负面影响;再次,逐步消除对本民族和本国家产生负面影响的民族认同意识;最后,国家范围内民族平等团结氛围的营造。     

清代中前期国家认同建构探析

清代是中国传统社会一个特殊的王朝,既乘续之前明王朝的发展概况,又开启中国近代化的序幕。作为一个满族入主中原的王朝,清朝统治者在进行统治过程中,既充分吸收汉化色彩,又保持着自身的特色。在近三百年的统治中,清朝统治的核心便是树立自身统治的合法性,围绕统治合法性的问题展开,又恰逢世界格局大变动,清代统治者充分吸取前代统治者的经验教训,在此基础之上不断形成了一整套国家管理体系,潜移默化地形成了以政治认同、文化认同与民族认同为主体的国家认同。本文将从满族身份认同的建立、民族意识的萌生与民族国家的建立简述清代大一统社会政治与文化体系的特征,进而说明清代民族认同建构的重要性。     

试论清初满族的族群认同意识

在当今人类学与社会学研究领域,有关族群、族群意识、文化认同等方面的研究成了热门话题,并在很多方面达成了共识。本文通过分析清初满族的族群认同意识,指出文化中的非可比性文化即中性文化才是族群认同的基础所在,而对可比性文化中优秀文化的吸收则是加强族群认同的重要手段。     

改革开放以来少数民族认同意识的变迁

"认同"与"认异"相对。简单地理解,"认同"就是某一个体或群体将自己从心里上、精神上、行为上归属于某一特定客体。人有多重身份,群体也是如此,因此会导致多元认同,诸如家族的、地域性的、民族的和国家的等等。美国学者亨廷顿认为,随着时间和情况的变化,这些认同的各自轻重分量也会发生变化。关注少数民族认同意识的变迁,分析其影响因素,对于我国这样一个多民族国家构建"公民意识"、"国家认同",构建和谐社会,维护社会稳定,具有重大的理论和现实意义。     

民族认同与国家认同研究述评

民族认同与国家认同的研究一直以来都是学界关注的重点内容之一,学者们为此进行了不懈的努力,成就卓然。文章通过对目前国内外民族认同和国家认同的相关研究成果进行系统梳理,指出通过引入身份认同理论,把群体或个体的意识和行为同文化和社会结构因素联系起来,从综合性、历时性的动态视角来研究民族问题,并由此总结出民族认同与国家认同变迁的规律或机理,将会更好地服务于现实社会。     

满族大学生民族认同的调查与分析——以黑龙江某高校为例

满族大学生的民族认同是同本民族的语言文字、身份地位、风俗习惯以及在此基础上的心理体验联系在一起的,本文采用概率抽样的方式选取208名满族大学生作为调查样本,通过SPSS数据分析的方式得出样本群体的民族认同在四个方面存在不同程度的问题.     

满族入关与天下一统——论清代农耕民族与游牧民族战争矛盾之终结

清代基本解决了中国历史上长期未能解决的农耕民族与游牧民族的战争矛盾,这是史学界均认同的事实。然而,满族依靠什么特殊的条件解决了这一问题?本文从满族形成发展史,以及满族文化与满族精神特性的角度,对这一问题进行了论析,提出了满族农耕、游牧、射猎文化的多元性和由此而产生的民族思想,是解决这一矛盾最根本原因的观点。     

大学生民族认同的心理适应研究——以黑龙江省某高校满族大学生为例

满族大学生在语言文字、身份地位、风俗习惯等方面有不同于一般民族大学生的特点,因而其心理适应问题与一般民族学生相比,既有相似之处又有其差异性.本文从满族大学生民族认同出发,探讨由此引发的心理适应问题,并提出解决满族大学生心理适应问题的建议.     

集体记忆与国家认同——以推进铸牢中华民族共同体意识为视角

文章简要梳理了国家认同、民族认同与集体记忆之间的关系,以推进中华民族共同体意识为视角,认为需要从集体记忆与国家认同的理论高度助力西藏维护祖国统一、加强民族团结。从集体记忆与国家认同的心理学视角来阐释国家治理背景下的西藏发展和民族交往,提出历史教育和"五个认同"是铸牢中华民族共同体意识的凝聚力量,是推进实现中华民族伟大复兴的有效路径。     

身份认同视域下的铸牢中华民族共同体意识研究

中华民族共同体意识作为一种群体认同意识,其深层体现的是各族人民对中华民族共同体成员这一共有身份的认同。从身份认同视角入手,有助于进一步深化对铸牢中华民族共同体意识的理论理解和实践推进。首先,凸显各族人民共有的中华民族成员身份、统一国家公民身份、命运共同体成员身份显现出铸牢中华民族共同体意识的丰富内涵;其次,消解中华民族身份认同与次国家民族身份认同张力、消解国家公民身份认同与族裔身份认同张力以及消解各民族身份认同的排他性问题,展现出铸牢中华民族共同体意识的重大价值;最后,通过系牢各族人民的共有身份认同纽带,增强各族人民的文化归属感、社会归属感和民族使命感是铸牢中华民族共同体意识的实践方向。     

“选择性建构”:国家、市场和主体行动互动下的文化身份与认同——对北京某满族村的个案研究

文章考察了在国家治理定位、市场价格选择、主体行动三者的互动影响下,Y村满族民众将日常生活中的一些非族性特征的文化元素“抽离”出来,选择性地将其建构为自己文化身份/认同的一部分的文化实践.这一考察与分析有助于认识“文化身份/认同”在现阶段中国社会的复杂性,并加深有关文化认同与族群认同的关系,以及实践中文化身份/认同的消解...     

鹰手三旗的后裔--对北京市喇叭沟门满族乡的调查与思考

在喇叭沟门满族乡及其附近地区,主要的满族成员均系随清朝入关并被编入内务府旗分的彭姓汉人。本文以对这一地区的几次田野调查为基础,结合清代官私文献与口述资料,稽考他们真实的来源与家世,探讨这样一个汉人群体是在什么样的社会与文化背景下,保持着认同于满族的心态,从而加深对八旗内汉军旗人身份认同复杂性的认识。调查发现,当地“满族文化”的“建构”有种种与史实难以契合之处。在改革开放的新时期,这种对文化资源的发掘与利用足以促使学者对民族史的现实意义进行深入的思考。     

清代：中华民族命运共同体构建的重要历史时期——以清代基层社会组织重建和社会治理为视角的考察

以清代基层社会组织重建和社会治理为视角进行考察,清代是中华民族命运共同体构建的一个重要历史时期。清朝建立后,不仅继承了明朝的政治制度和国家治理体系,也继承了明朝的基层社会治理体系,重点对宗族、保甲、乡约以及会馆等民间组织的恢复与重建予以支持,并让渡部分公权力,使其统治触角向下延伸,“皇权”也由此渗入县以下的城乡基层社会。满族属于中华民族共同体的一员,而非域外之人,因此,他们一旦取得政权之后,除了保留满族的部分政治文化和风俗传统外,更多的是在大中华文化体系中寻找生存智慧与治国理政之道。在清代,不仅汉族、满族,也包括蒙古族、藏族或回族以及其他中国境内各民族,都主动或被动、自觉或不自觉地融入到中华民族命运共同体构建的历史进程之中。正因为如此,民族融会才升华为“中华民族”这一新概念。     

Constructions of identity,belonging and exclusion in the democratic welfare state

This article investigates the conflict between a shared national identity and immigration, posed by liberal, instrumental nationalists. They worry that immigration will undermine a shared national identity that is needed to generate trust and solidarity within the democratic welfare state. The article consists of a qualitative study of Swedish and British respondents. The main conclusion is that people experience and interpret their shared identity, ideas of belonging and exclusion in the democratic welfare state differently, with different consequences for the proposed conflict. When identity and belonging was tied to contributions or to institutions, rather than a nation, the conflict between a shared identity and immigration was cushioned.     

清前期北京旗人满文房契研究

本文在刊布十件满文房产契书的基础上 ,对清前期北京旗人房产交易的形式、内容、特点进行了初步考察 ,指出至迟到乾隆前期 ,八旗内部已经存在典、抵押、活卖、绝卖等多种不动产转让形式。本文还对满文契书中所蕴涵的有关北京旗人语言应用情况的信息作了分析     

清初辽、金、元三史满文、蒙古文翻译研究述评

辽、金、元三史满文、蒙古文翻译,作为清代众多汉籍翻译中成帙最早的三部,具有文化史、文字史及史学史研究价值。围绕三史满文、蒙古文翻译进行历史与文献研究,在满学、蒙古学以及辽、金、元三朝历史研究中具有特殊意义。前人的研究业已取得令人瞩目的学术成果,但仍有很多问题尚未得到充分阐发。本文试从学术评介的角度,就三史满文、蒙古文翻译的研究状况做一梳理,以便学界了解这一方面的基本情况。根据相关成果的特点,分为存本著录、译本出版及学术研究三个问题,逐一进行评述,总结得失,提出相关研究要领。     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

阿怒人的国家认同研究——基于音乐文化的视角

综观当下学界有关族群的国家认同研究,大多从族群与国家关系的互动视角来探讨,而鲜有通过全面探析族群音乐文化事项来诠释国家认同问题。本文基于对世居云南最西北、怒江的上游腹地——云南省贡山县阿怒人的实证调察,通过丰富多彩的音乐文化事项,分析根植于阿怒人族性中的国家认同意识,以期在学术上增添一个解读国家认同的视角,并为探寻民族与国家何以和谐共生的问题提供一点思考。     

河南省蒙古族的生存现状与民族认同心理

本文介绍了河南省蒙古族的来源、历史、语言、风俗习惯和心理状态。在确定其生存现状与当地汉族没有本质差别的前提下,根据问卷、访谈的结果,密切联系中国的特殊国情,着力探讨这些法定的河南省蒙古族的民族认同心理,寻找他们的存在与意识不相协调的原因。从理论研究的角度提出了自己对其身份的看法,为国家制定有关政策提供了依据。     

Identity after Kosovo's independence: narratives from within the Kosovar Albanian diaspora

The nature of national identity after the establishment of Kosovo as an independent state was explored within a small group of Kosovar Albanians living in the UK. Although Kosovan identity was expressed at times in hybrid form, e.g. British Kosovan, identity at a deeper structural level was founded upon historical origins and culture inexorably linked to Albania and people of Illyrian descent and their territories. This was particularly the case in the discursive context of perceived threats to identity. Despite significant political developments providing the psychological space for an independent national identity, within this small group at least, identity was still strongly affiliated to, or assimilated within, an Albanian identity.