辽宁沿海与腹地协调发展推进机制研究

辽宁沿海经济带的开发开放．不仅是为了培育新的经济增长极．而且是为了通过沿海经济带的辐射和带动作用．使沿海与腹地形成协调发展的态势．从而推进区域经济整体发展。目前．辽宁沿海经济带与腹地协调发展的初步格局已经形成．但是．还需要推进机制的跟进以夯实沿海与腹地协捌发展的态势。首先．要通过大力发展腹地的区域经济．进一步深化辽宁沿海与腹地的协调发展;其次,要通过推进区域一体化进程．形成辽宁区域共同市场;再次,要推动各类城市间的合作．形成城市间的优势互补和分工协作。     

辽宁打造沿海经济带筑就“五点一线”新品牌

辽宁"五点一线"的战略,以独列的视角、科学的理念和丰富的内涵,构筑起加速老工业基地振兴、全方位扩大辽宁对外开放的崭新格局和崭新品牌,勾勒出了引领全省经济腾飞的全新途径。目前,以"五点一线"为支撑,"西拥渤海、东挽黄海"的辽宁沿海经济带建设已经起步·而且正日渐成为外商外资竞相拥入、内商内资纷至沓来的开放热土。     

对辽宁沿海经济带战略的几点思考

一、实施辽宁沿海经济带战略的意义 自改革开放以来,我国国家经济发展战略具有两个明显特征：一是区域经济战略始终占据重要位置,珠三角、长三角发展战略的实施,使这两个地区成为我国经济高速发展的带头区域,后来又相继实施了开发海南、西部大开发、东北老工业基地振兴以及中部崛起等区域性战略,使我国的区域发展既有重点,又保持中心城市与其腹地及各区域之间的相互影响和相互协调;二是沿海战略始终占据着重要位置,确定了4个经济特区和15个沿海开放城市,     

城乡互动模型的构建及应用——辽宁沿海经济带城乡均衡发展的思考

2009年7月1日,国务院在批复《辽宁沿海经济带发展规划》时指出,在辽宁沿海经济带建设过程中,应该注重统筹城乡发展,大力发展现代农业,促进农村经济繁荣。那么应该如何统筹城乡发展,进而促进农村经济繁荣呢？统筹城乡发展的根本途径在于促进城乡互动,引导要素在城乡间自由流动,达到以城带乡、城乡共同发展的目的。为了实现城乡互动,就要把握城乡互动的内在机制,通过构建城乡互动模型来深入认识城乡间互动作用的程度。     

“6＋1”背景下的辽宁中部城市整合分析

一、辽宁中部城市整合的背景 2008年2月26日．辽宁省发展和改革委员会组织编制的《辽宁中部城市群经济区发展总体规划纲要》和辽宁省建设厅组织编制的《辽宁中部城市群发展规划》获得省政府批准．这意味着以沈阳为中心,以鞍山、抚顺、本溪、营口、辽阳和铁岭为支撑的辽宁中部城市群总体发展规划．     

山东半岛城市群建设中承接日、韩产业转移的相关问题初探

经济全球化与区域经济一体化是当今世界经济发展的两大潮流。通过区域经济合作。可以实现资源优化配置．优势互补．从而提高区域整体竞争力。实现合作共赢。作为东北亚地区三个最大的经济体，中、日、韩三国近年来广泛地开展了经贸合作与技术交流．实现了共同发展。山东省与日本、韩国隔海相望，地处环黄渤海经济圈三极之一。拥有与日、韩进行经贸合作的天然地缘优势。     

拓展与优化城市公共空间的思考

一、引言 一般认为,城市公共空间是城市中面向公众开放使用和进行各种活动的空间,是社会、经济、文化、科技、自然、地理气候等多种因素综合作用于城市的物质形态表现;是由各种实体(道路、街区、建筑物、树木、广场、绿地和其他设施等)共同构成的城市空间.     

新质生产力视角下特色产业园区的发展逻辑与空间优化策略研究

特色产业园区以特定产业方向的选择与特强产业生态的构建为核心,是新型工业化和城镇化发展到高级阶段的产业空间新形态,丰富了我国产业园区体系,并将成为促进新质生产力发展的重要抓手。以上海特色产业园区为例,研究分析其特色产业园区建设取得的成效与经验,在此基础上进一步围绕塑造产业特色、创新商业模式、强化数字化赋能、创新用地政策、建设特定需求载体等方面提出优化提升的策略建议,以期为国内特色产业园区的高质量发展及空间优化提供参考。     

“上海2035”总规实施背景下的轨道交通站点周边城市空间优化策略

“上海2035”总规提出卓越的全球城市的发展愿景。在空间资源紧约束的条件下,依托轨道交通站点的TOD建设是优化用地布局结构、提升空间环境品质,促进土地资源高质量利用,支撑城市能级和核心竞争力持续提升的重要策略。该研究以面向“上海2035”实施的轨道交通第三期建设规划线路及站点为对象,通过对站点周边地区土地利用情况的梳理,指出其对城市高质量发展的重要性,在集聚度、复合度、公共性等方面仍需进一步提升。结合国际经验和上海规划管控要求,从集聚的空间尺度、梯度引导开发强度、多元复合功能布局、精细灵活空间设计等维度,提出进一步提升站点周边地区的功能布局和空间品质的策略建议。     

基于服务区域经济发展的地方高校“双创”型人才培养模式构建

基于区域经济发展的地方高校双创人才培养,是时代的要求,是区域经济发展的需求,也是对高等教育更高水平的要求。通过分析区域经济发展与双创人才培养的关系,构建地方高校分子型双创人才培养模式,以期对地方高校实施双创人才培养提供参考。     

江门实施“飞地”产业战略研究

“飞地”产业是指不平衡发展的两个行政地区打破地域管辖限制,“飞出地”一方将引进的产业发展项目安置到行政上互不隶属的“飞入地”一方的产业发展园区,通过约定利益分享机制实现区域互利共赢和产业协调发展。     

新时期京津高新技术产业带的整合与提升

一、京津合作战略新趋势 京津冀地区将成为我国继珠三角、长三角后．又一引领区域发展的重要增长极．并将在新世纪代表我国参与全球竞争与合作。     

浅谈"飞地经济"中"飞地"的选择

“飞地经济”是指发达地区与欠发达地区双方政府打破行政区划限制,把“飞出地”方的资金和项目放到行政上互不隶属的“飞人地”方的工业基地,通过规划、建设、管理和税收分配等合作机制,实现互利共赢的持续或跨越发展的经济模式。     

Political practice and the rise of an ethnic enclave

Summary The Cuban American community shares many of the structural features commonly associated with other types of immigrant enclaves. But its specific mode of political incorporation into the United States distinguishes it from other enclaves, making it a unique sociopolitical formation: authoritarian enclave. The Cuban American enclave arose out of Caribbean geopolitics as an unintentional byproduct of four state-sponsored movements. These movements interlocked in an uneven manner, sometime via the civil, other times via the military, and still other times based on a combination of both. The internally divided Batistianist movement interlocked via its military wing with Trujillo's relatively unified Dominican state. In contrast, the highly unified Conservative movement interlocked with the military wing of the internally divided U.S. state. The Liberal movement, like the previous movement, was internally unified but, unlike them, its contacts were with the civil, not military, wing of the U.S. state. Preliminary research on the Terrorist movement, a community-generated movement that responds to changing geopolitical situations, suggests that its civil and military wing are discreetly and flexibly linked to each other. These movements had the cumulative and unintentional effect of creating a new organizational space within the Caribbean geopolitical system from which the Cuban American community was later to emerge. The Cuban American enclave rooted in Miami is today an important actor in the Caribbean Basin.The four movements under review left an indelible imprint on the material and ideational contours of the enclave. The Batistianists, Conservatives, and Terrorists contributed to the formation of an emigre moral economy where politics and profit were fused. The Batistianists, by investing their smuggled capital in the Miami area, by relying on the civil wing of their movement to rejuvenate old allegiances and networks, and by boycotting and harassing politically heterodox merchants, established a type of political monopoly over the local economy. The Conservatives, by misappropriating C.I.A. funds and reselling weapons, learned the art of buying and selling, developed sympathetic sources of credit from politically like-minded militants, and gathered enough investment capital to establish small enterprises in the Miami area. The Terrorists, by bombing Liberal merchants, prevented their discourse from gaining a local material base of power. The militant Liberals, through their inactivity in the community, facilitated, unintentionally, the rise of the enclave.The community's collective identity and sources of normative integration remain partly rooted in its militant past. Batistianism, Conservatism, and Terrorism, with its characteristic concerns for custom, patriotism, anti-communism, order, and community, concerns which have always been lacking in Liberal thought, a current of thought that in any case never circulated widely in the community, contributed, ironically enough, to the enclave's subsequent success. If the enclave entrepreneur can today invoke collective claims in order to legitimize his patriarchal system of capital-labor relations and contribute to group cohesion, it is because the militants and terrorists had earlier inculcated the community with these very same notions. In the next few years the Cuban American entrepreneurs, the community's leading strata, will need to generate a new set of ideal interests similar to the ones they inherited from their predecessors.The extreme conservatism of the Cuban Americans is in direct opposition to the political practices of all other immigrant groups, enclave or otherwise. Immigrant groups tend to support politically liberal causes and, among recent arrivees, this tendency is even more pronounced. But the Cuban American enclave, itself a relatively recent group, defies this pattern. But the mid-1970s the Cuban Americans had established themselves as the single most conservative minority group in the United States. Cuban American exceptionalism is not, as some neo-Marxists scholars have claimed, the product of their privileged background in Cuba nor their relative economic success in the United States. Political practices, after all, cannot be deduced from simple market locations. Cuban American conservatism was constructed during the early years of community formation as the result of the interaction of discourse and power.The community's shift toward extreme conservatism runs counter to the early composition of the exiles. Recall that in demographic-political terms the base of the community shifted in 1962 from the Batistianists and Conservatives, to the Liberals. The political practices of the community, however, travelled a reverse path: from Liberal, to Conservative and Batistianist. Political practice, in other words, had defied the very same organizational and demographic determinants that until now had served to structure its existence. Emigre politics had become unhinged from its base and was flowing downwards and shaping the material and ideal interests of the community at a time when it was undergoing a transition from exile to ethnic minority. The discursive practices and power maneuvers of the Batistianists and Conservatives infused the community's collective identity, economic life, and group cohesiveness with their own moral-political preferences. The Liberals, due to their insurrectionary strategy, failed to do so. During deactivation, the Liberals who advocated normalizing relations with Cuba successfully disorganized Conservative thought, but the Terrorists prevented them from circulating their views or gaining local power. Thus, emigre politics preceded the rise of ethnic markets and the availability of federal aid, and influenced Cuban American group and identity formation.The Cuban American community, to summarize my argument, is an expression of exploitation and domination along with representation. In typological terms, the community ought to be characterized as an authoritarian enclave, a type of formation that fuses economic entrepreneurship, social communalism, and authoritarian politics. Those unacquainted with the Cuban American community sometimes view it as a sociological aberration, an idiosyncratic enclave when compared to other ones in the United States, yet its trajectory reconfirms two of history's oldest lessons: the boundaries of nations and states rarely coincide; and, words and silences matter... as does power.

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长沙市建设“两型社会”的战略思考

党的十七大报告提出．必须把建设资源节约型和环境友好型社会放在深人贯彻落实科学发展观及实施工业化、现代化发展战略的突出重要位置。建设“两型社会”成为当代中国发展的一个全新命题和一项重要任务。2007年12月,长株潭城市群获批国家“两型社会”建设综合配套改革试验区．这是在深入贯彻落实科学发展观的大背景下．从国家发展战略层面赋予长株潭城市群加快新一轮发展的重大历史机遇。省会长沙如何顺势而为．在“两型社会”建设综合配套改革中担当领头羊,创造新经验,是一个值得认真研究的现实课题。     

天津城镇体系的产业聚集与京津冀地区的协调发展

改革开放以来,天津城镇体系进入不断完善的时期。在不同发展阶段,天津城镇体系的地域空间结构、规模等级结构和职能类型结构均有所不同。其原因是受当时天津的经济发展水平、产业结构调整、土地利用变化、城市环境保护、     

基层社会中“看得见”与“看不见”的国家——发生在一个商品房小区中的几个“故事”

本文将关注的目光聚焦于国家与基层社会的互动实态,以发生在一个新型商品房小区中的系列故事为线索,通过追踪和辨析国家在其中的角色、行动轨迹和行动策略,以及在此影响下的社会生发与建构,探查改革开放以来国家自身的变化与国家干预方式的变化是怎样影响社会的生长并改变着国家与社会中各个团体之间的关系的,进而揭示出中国市民社会发育方式及国家—社会关系形态不同于西方社会的最重要的差别之所在。     

Putting "Space" on the Agenda of Sociocultural Research

The global rescaling of the world, culture, and education has influenced how people experience their situationality, meaning-making, and learning in relation to the Other. This article explores the implications of spatial analysis for rethinking education in new conditions of cultural complexity. The experience of living and learning with difference is conceptualized as an open journey in which the very act of movement across spatial boundaries unlocks the fixity of meanings and identities and, hence, problematizes the spatial logic of bounded learning places. Explicating the tension between fixity and mobility, boundedness and flows, this article deploys the concepts of cultural-semiotic space, scale, and boundary to theorize locations of learning and meaning-making in new times.     

Female same-sex families in the dialectics of marginality and conformity

The article discusses the continuum between the personal and public roles of families, where two women parent together in Slovenia, against the background of the current marginal position of same-sex families in regard to rights and symbolic status, in claiming the position of same-sex parenting in the context of family models as well as in the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement agendas. It briefly outlines the situation in Slovenia in regard to homosexuality, and then moves to discussing the outcomes of the processes and experiences of lesbian mothers that are transgressing the borders of parental and homosexual identities. These outcomes are: "justifying" and demonstrating the "appropriateness" of family life in non-heteronormative families, constructing strategies for claiming a joint parental identity, and building a sense of belonging by forming a community that is both homosexual and parental. The article draws extensively on the lived (motherhood) experiences and stories of families where parents are two female partners and reads them as negotiating a constantly shifting place between a marginal status in the broader society and a conformist character in the perspective of their non-normative sexuality. In the article, it is recognized that same-sex families in Slovenia are entering the political agenda and are thus involved in transforming both contexts-the family and homosexual identities.