IDENTIFICATIONS: BETWEEN NATIONALISTIC ‘CELLS’ AND AN AUSTRALIAN MUSLIM UMMAH

This paper explores the dynamics which have characterised the Australian Muslim (a term which is examined more critically throughout this paper) struggle for identity and self-identification from the late nineteenth century to the present. It will consider the two primary mechanisms through which this struggle has been articulated. The first of these relates to the ways in which many Australian Muslims have used the nationalist, linguistic and cultural affiliations, which played a critical role in their process of migration and settlement, as a way of forging personal and communal ‘cells’ of identification. The second explores the attempts made by Australian Muslims to draw this body of cells into a coherent whole structured around a religious framework, to create the ideal to which all Muslims aspire – a unified Muslim community or ummah. One of the critical questions which the various discourses relating to Australian Muslim identity and culture raise, and which will be considered in this paper, is: on what levels does this struggle for identification operate, and to what extent has it been successful in reconciling a sense of an Australian Muslim past with the present and future?     

SKILLS RECOGNITION AND REFUGEES: MIGRANTS WITHOUT OPTIONS

In the post-war years, Australia has accepted more refugees on a per capita basis than any other country. Refugees are unlike other migrants in that they are forced to move. They have no option. They arrive unprepared for settlement. They have more difficulty finding employment, especially at an appropriate level, than other immigrants. They often come without format documents, with limited English language ability and with few supports. All of these factors make skills recognition even more difficult than for other non-English speaking background immigrants. Different training models, continued chauvinism about Australian training versus overseas training, inadequate attention to existing skills and the protectionist policies of some employers, professional bodies, etc all militate against refugees slotting into the labour market at a level commensurate with their pre-flight level. Australia needs to do more than select people and then leave them to their own devices. Carefully planned and ongoing programs are needed to help refugees integrate satisfactorily into the labour market. There is still a perception among refugees that Australia only wants them as labourers.     

PRECARIOUS PERSONS: DISENFRANCHISING AUSTRALIAN PRISONERS

In 1998 the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters produced a report which, among other things, recommended that all prisoners be deprived of their voting rights in federal elections. The proposal was intended to have a ‘deterrent effect’, the reasoning being that the loss of a fundamental civil right would provide an effective disincentive to crime. Apart from having little, if any. deterrent value, the proposal is difficult 10 defend within the prevailing frameworks of liberal democracy, International law, and current thinking on criminology and penology. Rather, the aim of prisoner disenfranchisement is to visit dishonour upon the subject, a practice having its origins in the archaic concept of ‘civil death ‘. The ‘reform ‘ is an eloquent symbol of a final disengagement from incarcerated people and a formal ratification of their status as non‐persons.     

AUSTRALIAN LIVING STANDARDS: SOME GENDER CONSIDERATIONS

This paper is an exploration of the contemporary definitions in use of the idea of a standard of living as it has been developed in social policy and economic research both in Australia and overseas. It is suggested that the assumptions underpinning the idea of a standard of living in areas such as poverty research or the analysis of redistributive policies and their effects are neither tenable nor useful. The concept is flawed because it makes unreasonable assumptions about the household and the nature of women's domestic labour. Consideration of the gender blindness of much economics suggests the need for a major revision in our approach to the idea of a standard of living.     

POVERTY,IDEOLOGY AND EMPLOYABILITY: CANADIAN AND AUSTRALIAN POLICIES FOR LOW-INCOME MOTHERS

A similar trend is apparent in Australian and Canadian programs to enhance work incentives and program effectiveness, but the Canadian provinces are increasingly insisting that low-income mothers with school-age children enter the workforce rather than accept social benefits to care for their children at home. There is no Canadian counterpart to the Sole Parent Pension or Parenting Allowance, although the provinces pay higher rates of social assistance to needy families than to individuals. Furthermore, there is little public support for the idea that low-income mothers should care for school-aged children at home at the taxpayer's expense. This paper discusses the similarities and differences in rhetoric and policies for low-income mothers, and seeks reasons for the stronger social support for mothering at home in Australia. Although the current discourse of economic rationalism suggests that enhancing work incentives and ‘employability’ will bring prosperity, this paper illustrates that neither paying mothers to care for their children at home nor pushing them into the workforce has reduced family poverty. To make employability programs more effective, governments need to deal with low female wages, the shortage and high cost of child care, and the lack of full-time permanent jobs.     

WORK INCENTIVES AND SOLE MOTHERS: COMPARING AUSTRALIAN POLICY

This article adopts a comparative perspective on policies to increase labour force participation of single mothers. Australia's orientation is briefly explored within the context of other major English-speaking countries (the United States, Britain and Canada), and the common emphasis in the policies on providing employment services and reducing poverty traps for Australia and Canada's largest province (Ontario) is then examined. While the potential of these approaches to increase labour force participation is found to be limited, the comparison suggests that Canada would do well to follow some of the recent anti-poverty measures Australia has adopted. Australia, however, appears to offer a less favourable employment climate for women. The article concludes that both jurisdictions will need to pursue a broader set of policies to respond to the root causes of poverty among women heading families on their own.     

AUSTRALIAN WELFARE REFORM: FROM CITIZENSHIP TO SOCIAL ENGINEERING

This paper examines the changes in the terms of citizen‐state relations that are coded in Australia's current program of welfare reform. It argues that welfare reform entails a shift from welfare as a limited social right of citizenship to welfare as a form of support conditional upon completing specified obligations, and from the provision of support as a cash payment to support coupling cash with personal services. Together, these shifts have the scope transform the relation between citizen and state fundamentally. This is no less than a shift from social policy citizenship in which claimants are presumed to act on their own behalf to paternalistic support and care directed to reforming character and values as well as to meeting need. The paper argues that this shift violates the fundamental equality essential to social policy citizenship.     

MINIMUM AUSTRALIAN CHILD CARE STANDARDS: A COMPARISON WITH INTERNATIONAL BENCHMARKS

In 1994 the State, Territory and Federal governments agreed upon a set of minimum regulatory standards for long day centre-based child care. This article compares those standards with two international benchmarks for minimum standards in child care. The Australian standards are barely adequate at best when assessed against those benchmarks. It is an open question how much improvement the new child care accreditation system can achieve without improvements in the underlying regulatory requirements.     

AUSTRALIAN WAR WIDOWS: A CASE STUDY TO CHALLENGE PUBLIC POLICY

This paper explores public policy in relation to war widows. The effects of public policy are rarely analysed from an individual's perspective. The paper draws on interview data to analyse the case study of a 51 year old Vietnam War widow and compares this to the experiences of six other war widows. Findings are part of a larger study on widowhood. Life histories were gained through unstructured interviews and then constructed as case studies that enabled an analysis of the relationship between the individual lived experience of the women and broader social forces that influence this. The findings suggest that women may feel differently about being categorised as ‘war widows’ in public policy and the reasons for this are varied. The paper suggests that an extension of this study be conducted to more fully explore the reasons for the differences in war widows to inform future policy review/revision.     

RESPONDING TO FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION: THE AUSTRALIAN EXPERIENCE IN CONTEXT

The increasing number of migrant women and girls in Australia affected by female genital mutilation (PGM) presents a significant challenge for public policy. Addressing FGM requires an understanding of the practice, its incidence and consequences; as of the cultural patterns and belief systems that underwrite it in those countries where it is commonly practised. Australian policy and programmatic responses to FGM are placed in the context of both international initiatives and those in other countries of settlement, and the underlying principles that guide effective FGM policy development identified.     

FROM HARVESTER TO DE-REGULATION: WAGE EARNERS IN THE AUSTRALIAN WELFARE STATE

The significance of the Harvester Judgment in 1907 was not only in the establishment of a ‘fair and reasonable’ wage, which became known as the basic wage , but also in the principle that wages had to meet at least the basic social needs of the worker's family. Income earned through employment was thus regarded as primary welfare . These principles in wage determination were discarded in the 1960s and the de-regulation policies of the 1980s further increased the division between employment and social needs. Exacerbated by the endemic high levels of unemployment, the progressive de-regulation of the labour marked since the 1980s has been one of the most significant causative factors in the growing inequality in Australia.     

YOUNG REFUGEES TALK ABOUT WELL‐BEING: A QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS OF REFUGEE YOUTH MENTAL HEALTH FROM THREE STATES

Young people from refugee backgrounds face enormous challenges in the settlement process within Australia. They must locate themselves within a new social, cultural, geographic and adult space, yet also try to find security within the spaces of their own families and ethnic communities. Traumas of the past can mix with painful experiences of the present. The stressors in the lives of these young people can be both complex and diverse. This paper explores the nature of these stressors among young people from refugee backgrounds living in Australia. It is based on in‐depth interviews with 76 young people from refugee backgrounds now living in Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth. A qualitative analysis of the impact of these stressors as well as the coping strategies employed are discussed. It is argued that trauma exists within a life continuum and that approaches to supporting young people in these circumstances should be wary of limiting their focus to biomedical categories such as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder or Acculturation Stress and instead focus on a wider social context.     

TAXES AND SOCIAL SPENDING: THE SHIFTING DEMANDS OF THE AUSTRALIAN PUBLIC

This paper uses data from the Australian Election Studies (1987–2001) to investigate the preference for lower taxes or higher social spending among Australian voters. We offer some explanations for the increased support for higher social spending, especially after the election of the Howard Government in 1996. Regression models allow us to distinguish various factors that predict support for higher social spending. The main conclusions of the paper are that support for social spending is higher among voters with ‘social‐democratic’ attitudes and voting preferences but significantly, is also higher among voters who think health and Medicare services have declined since 1998. These findings are discussed in the context of various possible explanations for declining support for tax cuts.     

THE POWER OF NORMALISATION: FOUCAULDIAN PERSPECTIVES ON CONTEMPORARY AUSTRALIAN HEALTH CARE PRACTICES

Foucault's analysis provides social and political insights into the way that contemporary health care practices in Australia have been, and are being, constructed. His notion of discourse provides a useful starting point to analyse the taken-for-granted nature of reality that is so hegemonic in many health care practices. An analysis of discourse reveals the panoptic tendencies inherent in the Australian health care system. The notion of panopticism calls into question some very fundamental assumptions about the relationship between power, knowledge and truth. At the core of such panopticism are disciplinary techniques which promote normalisation. The examinations carried out by health care professionals, the case notes that are subsequently developed, along with an associated proliferation of diagnostic tests and procedures resulting in the production of the docile body, are symptomatic of the process designed to restore normalisation.     

GENDER DIFFERENCES IN AUSTRALIAN GAMBLING: A CRITICAL SUMMARY OF SOCIOLOGICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL RESEARCH

Despite frequent reports on the significant increase in the number of women gambling in Australia, there has been relatively little detailed research undertaken to address the issue. This paper provides a critical summary of recent Australian findings and their implications for future research and clinical interventions. Its conclusion is that while gender is a strong predictor of preferences for gambling activities, more carefully designed studies must be conducted to determine whether gender influences other facets of gambling behaviour. This is principally because of the difficulty associated with accounting for the confounding effects of gender and activity preferences and the omission of male comparison groups in some gender studies.     

WHO'S NOT PAYING THEIR FAIR SHARE: PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS OF THE AUSTRALIAN TAX SYSTEM

Data from the Community Hopes, Fears and Actions Survey are used to examine how pervasive the view is that the more privileged in society are failing to pay their fair share of tax, to understand the beliefs that underpin such perceptions, and the reforms that are needed to open dialogue with the Australian public about the issue. Support is found for five hypotheses. Economic self‐interest provides a partial explanation for perceptions of vertical inequity, but more important are disillusionment with the Australian democracy and perceptions of insufficient procedural justice from the tax office. Values about how Australian society should develop also play a part. Those looking for a more equal, caring and compassionate Australia perceive there to be a high level of vertical inequity. Such perceptions are not shared by those aspiring to an Australia that pursues competitive advantage either economically or politically. Tax authorities are brokers for social order and harmony in democracies. They can not determine the policies that are supposed to deliver these goals, nor the rules by which individuals are expected to contribute to the government coffers. But they carry responsibility for making it all happen — collecting taxes and providing government with revenue. As such, their integrity is pivotal to smooth democratic functioning. Integrity for a tax authority involves having purposeful and sound goals, appropriate and ethical procedures for pursuing such goals, and processes allowing reflection and evolution of their operation in response to the democratic will (Braithwaite 2003). This paper is a contribution to the process of reflection on how the tax system is working for its citizens. Its purpose is to investigate the extent to which the Australian community believes that their tax authority is pursuing one of its goals, collecting revenue, in a sound and purposeful way. Three questions are addressed: (a) Are different social groups in our society paying their fair share of tax? (b) What are the experiences and aspirations lying behind public perceptions that some groups do not pay their fair share? and (c) Do perceptions of fairness shape the direction in which Australians want to see tax reform progress?