SELF-INTEREST AND PUBLIC OPINION TOWARD SMOKING POLICIES; A REPLICATION AND EXTENSION

Numerous studies report that self-interest has a non significantinfluence upon various political and social attitudes. In contrast,a recent article by Green and Gerken (1989) reports a Californiastudy showing that cigarette smokers are significantly moreopposed than nonsmokers to public smoking restrictions and tobaccosales tax increases. The present article replicates and extendsthis analysis with data from two different states—Illinois(in 1984, N=458)—and North Carolina (in 1985, N=488)—andusing analysis techniques that differ from and expand upon theCalifornia study. Despite these methodological differ ences,self-interest is again shown to have a significant influenceon opinions concerning public smoking restrictions and taxation,as well as on several additional issues relating to smokingand tobacco.     

Androgyny and the Supreme Court

Since 1971 the Supreme Court has decided a large number of cases presenting questions of gender-based discrimination and other issues of interest to feminists. While the cases have been decided on various constitutional and statutory grounds, it is argued that the Court, on the whole, has been guided by the principle of androgyny-defined here as the absolute equality of the sexes as concerns expectations, opportunities, choices, and treatment in private and public life. Cases which appear to be contradictory prove, upon closer examination, not to be so exceptional as to disprove the thesis of this paper.     

Reaching the U.S. Cell Phone Generation: Comparison of Cell Phone Survey Results with an Ongoing Landline Telephone Survey

Noncoverage rates in U.S. landline-based telephone samples dueto cell phone only households (i.e., households with no landlinebut accessible by cell phone) and the corresponding potentialfor bias in estimates from surveys that sample only from landlineframes are growing issues. Building on some of the few publishedstudies that focus on this problem, a study was conducted inthree states (Georgia, New Mexico, and Pennsylvania) as partof the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS), theworld's largest ongoing public health telephone survey, to evaluatethe effectiveness of conducting the BRFSS interview with a sampledrawn from dedicated cell phone telephone exchanges and mixed-use(landline and cell phone) exchanges. Approximately 600 interviewswere conducted in each of two groups: cell phone only adults(n = 572) and adults with both a landline and a cell phone (n= 592). Making comparisons with data from the ongoing, landline-basedBRFSS survey, we report on response rates, demographic characteristicsof respondents, key survey estimates of health conditions andrisk behaviors, and survey costs. The methods used in this studyhave wide application for other U.S. telephone surveys.     

Transparency and strategic promotion: How court press releases facilitate judicial agenda-building in Germany

Press releases disseminate selected information and promote particular issues. Although several courts regularly publish press releases on decisions, it is unclear which policy issues are more likely to be promoted by courts. This study argues that courts publish press releases to increase transparency and promote politically contested issues strategically. Using original data on the German Federal Constitutional Court, it assesses the role of press releases for judicial agenda-setting. Policy issues in 7114 court decisions between 1998 and 2019 were coded through supervised text classification. The results show that the press releases cover a greater range of policy issues than the Court’s decisions. They are more likely to be published for decisions that deal with politically contested issues. This study contributes to the policy agenda literature by adding a new case, the German Federal Constitutional Court, and court press releases as a new perspective.     

Governing the Quango: An Auditing and Cheating Model of Quasi-Governmental Authorities

The New Public Management has a paramount implication for thedelegation of authority to implement public policy, namely,that efficient delegations are designed according to the substanceof the task to be performed. In other words, the governmentmust be able to choose the best agent to carry out a particulartask, which implies that the set of agents must not be confinedto actors and departments within the bureaucracy. This flexibilityof form creates the incentives behind the quango, and increasesthe importance of ex ante design for the legislature to avoidmisuse of public funds. It also has the potential to increaseex post enforcement activity by the government. This articleexamines ex ante design from the perspective of auditing, presentinga formal model of the construction of auditing procedures asa response to expectations of the misuse of funds. By creatingrequirements such as the requisite submission of annual plans,reports, and accounts, governments attempt to create a compliance-inducingscheme much like that present in tax enforcement. The theoreticalmodel generates empirical predictions that are statisticallyexamined using data on public bodies in the Netherlands createdbetween 1946 and 1993. Empirical results demonstrate strongsupport for the theory.     

The Death Penalty in the Post-Furman Era: A Review of the Issues and the Debate

This is a review of the issues and debate over capital punishment in the United States during the post- Furman era (since 1972). It encompasses a review of the legal issues, highlighting major U.S. Supreme Court cases in which the constitutionality of the death penalty has been challenged. These constitutional challenges have included issues of arbitrariness and race discrimination in the application of the death penalty. Also considered is the Court's 'evolving standards of decency' test in terms of what constitutes cruel and unusual punishment under the Eighth Amendment – relative to the execution of juveniles and the mentally retarded and whether lethal injection is cruel and unusual. The post- Furman era death penalty debate is comprised of two phases, both raised questions about public confidence in the criminal justice system. Phase one, occurring in the 1980s and early 1990s, was concerned with the lengthy appeal process and the lack of finality in capital cases. Phase two emerged in the late 1990s and 2000s and focused on the accuracy (wrongful convictions) and fairness (arbitrariness and discrimination) of the administration of capital punishment. The DNA revolution and a parade of high-profile exonerations in the United States contributed to this latter phase. Finally, the death penalty debate is considered from an international and human rights perspective.     

How Does Public Management Affect Government Performance? Findings from International Research

Despite the growing importance of public management reform aroundthe world, relatively little scholarship evaluates the contributionsof public management to government performance, that is, tothe character and consequences of service provision by publicagencies. One study (Hill and Lynn 2005) evaluated over eighthundred American empirical studies that address issues of publicmanagement effectiveness in a wide variety of fields, subfields,and disciplines. In this article we employ the analytic frameworkof Hill and Lynn—a polycentric "logic of governance"—toevaluate 193 research articles published in English that usenon-American, or what we will term international, empiricalevidence. Our evaluation reveals more similarities in Americanand non-American public management research, and in the determinantsof government performance, than one might expect, given thedistinctiveness of the American politico-administrative system.These similarities may be deceptive, however. Internationalinvestigators exhibit somewhat different modeling strategies,tending, for example, to favor more linear managerialist hypotheses—changesin structure lead to changes outcomes, for example—thanAmerican research, which is more concerned with intragovernmentalcomplexities. The fact that the use of a polycentric logic ofgovernance revealed highly suggestive similarities and differencesin the determinants of performance in public organizations suggeststhe potential value of this kind of analytic strategy in bothsingle investigations and in meta-analyses of public managementreform.     

THE THRESHOLD OF PUBLIC ATTENTION

The analysis reviews time series data for the period 1945 to1980 on media coverage and corresponding public attention toa set of ten political issues including poverty, racial problems,Watergate, and Vietnam. The study focuses on the early stagesof public awareness and the need for a "critical mass" or thresholdto move a matter from the status of private concern to a public,political issue. The pattern of evolving public awareness variesdramatically for different types of issues. In some cases, thepublic appears to have a much steeper "response function" inreacting to real-world cues than the media; in other cases,the media seem to be more responsive. Modeling the growth ofattention to public issues with the logistic curve met withmodest success. The article concludes with a call for much closercoordination between agenda-setting research and the study ofpolitical cognition.     

Models for instruction and curriculum

As a means of making recommendations on public relations curricula, a task team of 24 educators reviewed research on public relations education including preliminary results from a study conducted for the 1998 NCA summer conference. After brain storming sessions, the task team developed three models of course-specific curricula and a content curriculum model for undergraduate public relations education. The task team also proposed core and elective areas for a master's of public relations curriculum. Team members agreed that public relations curricula should have a broad liberal arts and science basis. They recommended advancing public relations education with more attention to studies of ethics, multiculturalism, international issues and to the use of technology.     

THE OPINION-POLICY NEXUS IN GERMANY

This article analyzes the previously unresearched relationshipbetween mass public opinion and public policy in contemporaryWest Germany. By studying approximately 150 cases over the lastdecade, the nature of German democracy is revealed in relationto the overall consistency between majority preferences andgovernment action. The opinion-policy nexus is explored in regardto the impact of issue saliency, landslide majorities, differentcategories of issues (e.g., redistributive, foreign policy),and the partisan composition of the government (i.e., SocialD emocratic vs. Christian Democratic). In addition, there isa cross-national comparison of results for West Germany withthe author's previous research on opinion and policy in theUnited States, Britain, and France. The findings indicate that(like other nations studied) public opinion and public policyin Germany are inconsistent in a majority of instances and that(unlike Britain or France) the partisan composition of the governmentdoes not matter vis-à-vis the degree of policy-opinioncongruence.     

GALLUP AND FORTUNE POLLS

This section contains a compilation, topically arranged, ofpoll results released by the American Institute of Public Opinion,by Fortune, and by the Canadian Institute of Public Opinion.The AIPO results cover the period from October through December1941. (Previous aipo questions were reported in the July 1938,October 1939, and all subsequent issues of the QUARTERLY.) TheFortune questions are those which appeared in the October andDecember issues of the magazine, together with those taken fromthe Fortune Management Poll which appeared in the November issue.(Previous Fortune questions were reported in the March 1940and all subsequent issues of the QUARTERLY.) Releases from theCanadian Institute of Public Opinion are included for the firsttime. (The first cn>o report was issued November 29, 1941.) Under each topic, all of the Institute data are given in chronologicalorder, then all of theFortune material, also in chronologicalsequence. Dates appearing in connection with AIPO questionsare those carried in the date lines of Institute releases tosubscribing newspapers; dates following Fortune questions indicatethe issue of the magazine in which the information appeared.Institute questions are designated by AIPO; Fortune questionsby FOR; "DK" stands for "don't know"; "no op." for "no opinion." In considering these poll data, the reader should bear in mindcertain salient points of reference set forth on pages 75 and76 of the March 1940 issue of the QUARTERLY. The QUARTERLY wishesto express its appreciation to George Gallup and the AmericanInstitute of Public Opinion and to the editors of Fortune andElmo Roper for their cooperation in making these survey resultsavailable in convenient form to other students of public opinion.     

Gender differences in public relations students' career attitudes: A benchmark study

Numerous articles have examined differences in men's and women's experiences in public relations, but few studies have explored students' perceptions of gender issues. This study fills that gap. A two-page survey instrument was completed during April/May 1997 by 430 students studying public relations at 17 different schools across the United States. There were no statistically significant differences in male and female students' desires to perform managerial activities, but there were statistically significant differences in several areas. Female students reported they expect to earn less money starting out and to be promoted more slowly than their male counterparts expect. Female students were more likely to believe that they will need to postpone having a family in order to advance in their careers. Additionally, female students reported they want to “do it all” — both managerial and technical activities. These findings have both positive and negative implications for the profession.Dr. Betty Farmer is an assistant professor of communication and public relations, and Ms. Lisa Waugh was a senior majoring in public relations at Western Carolina University at the time of this study. This research was funded by an Undergraduate Research Grant from Western.The findings from this study have both positive and negative implications for the profession. The data seem to support the need for continued focus on women's advancement issues, particularly in the area of young women's career expectations and young men's attitudes toward women in managerial positions.     

The authority of Supreme Court precedent

We construct the complete network of 30,288 majority opinions written by the U.S. Supreme Court and the cases they cite from 1754 to 2002 in the United States Reports. Data from this network demonstrates quantitatively the evolution of the norm of stare decisis in the 19th Century and a significant deviation from this norm by the activist Warren Court. We further describe a method for creating authority scores using the network data to identify the most important court precedents. This method yields rankings that conform closely to evaluations by legal experts, and even predicts which cases they will identify as important in the future. An analysis of these scores over time allows us to test several hypotheses about the rise and fall of precedent. We show that reversed cases tend to be much more important than other decisions, and the cases that overrule them quickly become and remain even more important as the reversed decisions decline. We also show that the Court is careful to ground overruling decisions in past precedent, and the care it exercises is increasing in the importance of the decision that is overruled. Finally, authority scores corroborate qualitative assessments of which issues and cases the Court prioritizes and how these change over time.     

TRENDS IN POLITICAL TOLERANCE

Some researchers find a substantial increase in political tolerancesince the 1950s, while others find the increase to be "illusory"—thepublic is more tolerant now of leftists, but has simply foundother targets on which to vent its intolerance. Reanalysis andthe addition of more extensive trend data from 1940 to 1985suggest that the shift does seem primarily to reflect increasedtolerance of leftists, but that the public has not found othergroups to be intolerant of. Measured tolerance has fluctuatedgreatly over the period, reflecting mainly changes in perceptionsof threat from putatively subversive groups, especially domesticCommunists. Also, the public's grasp of, and selfinterestedconcern about, civil liberties seems so minimal that one mightargue not that the public is substantially tolerant or intolerant,but that it has no really tangibly measurable "attitude" onthe subject one way or the other.     

Can a Poll Affect Perception of Candidate Traits?

During presidential elections, poll results frequently are presentedin the news. Reporters use these polls to tell the public whatit thinks about the presidential candidates. We argue that pollingresults tell the public what it should think about the presidentialcandidates as well. This study outlines how a character traitthat is not usually used to assess presidential candidates wasput into play during the 2004 presidential campaign. By repeatedlyascribing "stubbornness" to incumbent president George W. Bush,Democratic challenger John Kerry may have prompted this trait’sinclusion in a Los Angeles Times summer 2004 survey. The poll’sevidence that the public saw Bush as more stubborn than Kerrythen produced an attribute agenda-setting effect that strengthenedthe link between that term and Bush. Using data from the NationalAnnenberg Election Survey, we argue that the news coverage ofthis Los Angeles Times poll increased the salience of the trait"stubborn" in assessing President George W. Bush during Juneof the 2004 presidential campaign.     

News Framing and Cueing of Issue Regimes: Explaining Clinton's Public Approval in Spite of Scandal

During the period of exceedingly critical news coverage surroundingthe Monica Lewinsky debacle, President Bill Clinton's job approvalratings were at some of the highest levels they reached duringhis tenure in office. Given this public response, many pollsters,pundits, and scholars argued that news coverage of the scandalmust have been largely irrelevant to the public. Our view countersthese claims by advancing a theory that recognizes that citizens'political preferences are influenced substantially by framesand cues provided by news media. To test our ideas, we drawupon three types of data, all from January 1993 to March 1999:(a) a longitudinal content analysis of major news media, (b)a time-trend of opinion polls on presidential job approval,and (c) monthly estimates of real disposable personal income,seasonally adjusted. Analyses reveal that news media emphasisupon and framing of certain issue regimes—to the framingof the scandal in terms of the strategic motives of conservativeelites.     

When Should Differences Make a Difference:

This study criticizes the Supreme Court's current approach to constitutional gender equality and suggests a new type of review for gender-based classifications under the equal protection clause. The debate over acceptable gender classification hsa forced the Court to decide whether distinctions on the basis of gender-specific physical characteristics discriminate on the bsais of gender, whether legislation on the basis of generalized physical characteristics is discriminatory when applied to individuals who deviate from the average, whether states reinforce sex role stereotypes when legislating on the basis of gender-specific physical characteristics, and whether legislation that purports to benefit women actually serves to further inequality. In wrestling with this issues, especially the last, the Court has also been forced to explain both logically and legally why racial classifications are different from gender classifications The purpose of this study is twofold: the first objective is to argue that the Supreme Court should adopt an approach to legally sanctioned gender differentiation that would review gender classifications with the same hostility as racial classifications; related to this is the second objective, which is to show that a strict-scrutiny equal protection analysis is compatible with a special treatment approach for pregnancy benefits legislation. The two tasks will be undertaken by presenting critiques of the Court's current approach to gender equity and by suggesting an alternative direction for gender-based equal protection doctrine, one that will accomodate positive pregnancy legislation.     

Webster v. Reproductive Health Services:

This article analyzes the constitutional significance of Webster v. Reproductive Health Services (1989). The decision of the U.S. Supreme Court has two prominent features. First, the Court upheld the restrictions on the right of women to abort by devaluing the provisions of the challenged Missouri law. It is suggested that these provisions are far more significant than the Court majority acknowledged, and that their significance became apparent soon after the Court's resolution of the case. Second, the Court's approach to resolving Webster suggests a reconceptualizing of fundamental rights questions wherein state action jurisprudence has been turned upside down and compelling state interest analysis has been eschewed. While Roe v. Wade (1973) was not overruled in Webster, it appears that the contemporary Court's approach to operationalizing the right of choice is unlikely to restrict the power of the states to regulate in this area.     

Global value chains for medical gloves during the COVID-19 pandemic: Confronting forced labour through public procurement and crisis

This paper evaluates ways in which labour issues in global value chains for medical gloves have been affected by, and addressed through, the COVID-19 pandemic. It focuses on production in Malaysia and supply to the United Kingdom's National Health Service and draws on a large-scale survey with workers and interviews with UK government officials, suppliers and buyers. Adopting a Global Value Chain (GVC) framework, the paper shows how forced labour endemic in the sector was exacerbated during the pandemic in the context of increased demand for gloves. Attempts at remediation are shown to operate through both a reconfigured value chain in which power shifted dramatically to the manufacturers and a context where public procurement became higher in profile than ever before. It is argued that the purchasing power of governments must be leveraged in ways that more meaningfully address labour issues, and that this must be part of value chain resilience.     

Environmental Concern and Situational Communication Theory: Implications for Communicating With Environmental Publics

Public relations practitioners will find Grunig's situational communication theory to be a useful tool for identifying environmental publics and their orientations toward specific environmental issues. The research reported here explores the utility of Van Liere and Dunlap's (1981) measure of environmental concern in differentiating situational publics. The data were collected by telephone survey from 1,002 adult respondents. Members of the routine public did not perceive environmental issues to be a problem because they favored economic development over concern for the environment. The fatalistic public reported watching television news about pollution and held a pro-environmental attitude. Problem recognition provided a cognitive measure of environmental awareness and was consistently associated with communication behavior. Level of involvement and environmental concern provided attitudinal measures of the respondent's orientation toward environmental issues; however, these variables were not consistently associated with communication behavior. Public relations objectives designed to increase awareness and knowledge of an organization's environmental position may be far more effective than attitudinal objectives designed to create a more favorable image for the organization in view of the fact that the relationship between cognition and communication is much stronger than that between affect and communication.