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1.
Nina L. Hall Ros Taplin 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2007,18(4):317-338
This paper compares climate change campaigns conducted by environmental nongovernment organizations (NGOs) in the United Kingdom
(UK) and Australia. The NGOs represent a diversity of political access, financial resources, and international connections.
Three campaign activities common to both countries undertaken between 2004 and 2006 are analyzed for their effectiveness via
interviews and document review. This examination is embedded within an analysis of the political, economic, policy, and social
contexts of each country. It is shown that in the UK climate change has been used as a pivotal leadership issue, that the
fossil fuel industry’s influence is not predominant, and that NGOs enjoy political legitimacy. Whereas, in Australia climate
change has only recently emerged as a political priority, the fossil fuel industry has had significant political and financial
influence, and NGO advocacy has been marginalized. It is argued that NGOs are embedded in the political and policy contexts
of their country, and the greatest campaign traction and NGO influence can only be achieved when these contexts provide favorable
conditions.
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Nina L. HallEmail: |
2.
Laszlo Bruszt Balazs Vedres 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2008,19(2):140-160
In this article, we explore the ways in which partnerships with the state within state-led developmental programs might effect
the autonomy of civic organizations (COs) and their readiness to enter in political action. To identify the relationship between
collaboration with the state and civic autonomy we draw on data from a survey of 740 Hungarian regional civic associations.
We did not find support for the theses that mixing with the state might undermine the autonomy of COs and lead to their political
neutralization. Also, we did not find support for the hypotheses that political action is solely about money or it is the
property of non-autonomous NGOs. We have identified several mechanisms that allow COs to combine participation in partnership
projects with maintained autonomy and political activism.
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Balazs VedresEmail: |
3.
Maria Ludovica Murazzani 《Transition Studies Review》2009,16(2):501-509
The role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the United Nations (UN), as well as in world politics in general, is
increasingly gaining the attention of scholars of international law, political science and social anthropology. Using extensive
earlier research on NGO-UN relations and on the concept of global governance, it is concluded that although NGOs are becoming
increasingly influential actors on the international arena, several problems impede their influence from growing within the
UN. Once the inefficiencies of NGOs participation in United Nations’ bodies and institutions have been described, we propose
some modalities of reform of this Organization, with the purpose of improving the involvement of world civil society in UN
decision-making processes, and increasing its democratic profile. Finally, the study suggests several areas that require future
research and more in-depth study in order to make predictions about how NGO-UN relations will evolve in the coming decades.
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Maria Ludovica MurazzaniEmail: |
4.
Gordon D. Cumming 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2008,19(4):372-394
This article asks whether French NGOs have fallen into line with the wider trend towards professionalization that has marked
the Northern nonprofit sector, most notably Anglo-American NGOs, over the last two decades or so. It shows how French NGOs,
particularly those engaged in longer term development work, were characterized by militancy over the early post-colonial decades.
It then demonstrates how, over the global era, the French state has encouraged developmental NGOs (NGDOs) to undertake bureaucratic
forms of professionalization. Next, it looks at how these organizations have, in response, adapted their staffing, structures,
and procedures, whilst stopping short of overly standardized forms of development. Finally, it shows how French NGDOs have,
in eschewing “technical professionalism”, been acting in line with resource dependence theory and responding to the demands
of their critical resource, which is not the French state but the donor public and their grassroots supporters.
相似文献
Gordon D. CummingEmail: |
5.
Julie Stewart 《Qualitative sociology》2008,31(3):231-250
This article explores one region’s struggle for human rights and legal justice in post-war Guatemala. Rabinal—a target of
state-directed genocide in the 1980s—suffered one of the highest fatality levels of the war. In the post-war era, Rabinal
human rights activists have led the struggle to demand exhumations of mass graves, build memorials, and push for criminal
investigations and trials. Despite some important local victories, few of those responsible for the violence have received
punishment. But that does not mean this movement is a failure. Instead, this article highlights the cultural, expressive and
inprocess benefits of mobilization. Rabinal activists have restored their sense of agency and confirmed their collective identity
as fighters for legal justice. Meanwhile, this local mobilization has contributed to Guatemala’s uneven process of democratization.
Julie Stewart is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Utah. Her research focuses on post-war community development and political incorporation in Guatemala. Her current projects include a study of political refugees in Salt Lake City and research on Utah as a new immigration destination for undocumented workers. 相似文献
Julie StewartEmail: |
Julie Stewart is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Utah. Her research focuses on post-war community development and political incorporation in Guatemala. Her current projects include a study of political refugees in Salt Lake City and research on Utah as a new immigration destination for undocumented workers. 相似文献
6.
Janel E. Benson 《Sociological Forum》2006,21(2):219-247
This study draws upon immigrant incorporation theories to investigate whether native origin trumps skin color in shaping the racial identities of black migrants. Using survey data from the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality, six groups of black migrants are compared across two racial identity dimensions: racial group identification and racial group consciousness. The results demonstrate that while black migrants, with the exception of Puerto Ricans, develop a shared racial group identity with native-born blacks over time, the meaning they attach to being black in America varies by native origin.
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Janel E. BensonEmail: |
7.
Yugang Chen 《Transition Studies Review》2009,16(1):8-19
Based on the current global financial crisis, the article introduces two recent typical perspectives on international order
from the angle of discussion on the decline of the US, pointing out that the real trend of the development of international
political economic order is flatenization. International power will be distributed in a flat model. In this kind of order
big powers, main regional nation groups and important international organizations and institutions will share power in an
increasingly equal way. The demands for reform of the international financial system against this financial crisis also reflect
the trend of flatenization of the international political economic order.
相似文献
Yugang ChenEmail: |
8.
Nonprofit Isomorphism: An Australia–United States Comparison 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Jeffrey Leiter 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2008,19(1):67-91
This paper examines the organizational structures of nonprofit organizations in Australia and the United States. Using random
samples of nonprofits drawn from the two organizational populations, the analysis compares the extent of structural resemblance
or isomorphism in each. It detects similar levels of isomorphism for several structural characteristics. The paper interprets
this finding as reflecting expectations for nonprofit organizations that stretch worldwide.
相似文献
Jeffrey LeiterEmail: |
9.
Rita Jalali 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2008,19(2):161-188
This article seeks to understand how the Indian state exercises control over transnational ties between foreign and domestic
actors by examining the national legislative practices that determine receipt of foreign funds and the data on foreign funding
flows to NGOs (a database of more than 18,000 associations). The article shows how legislative practices of democratic states
serve to reduce foreign influence. Issue characteristics are also shown to determine state response to externalization, blocking
transnational ties in “high politics” areas such as minority claims. Finally, within state imposed restrictions, religious
rather than secular organizations remain dominant transnational actors in India. The study contributes evidence to suggest
that contrary to the arguments of world polity theory and many transnational social movement scholars, states continue to
remain powerful actors limiting transnationalization.
相似文献
Rita JalaliEmail: |
10.
Mabel Lie Susan Baines 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2007,18(3):225-240
The role of voluntary and community sector organizations in the delivery of public services is increasing and these changes
bring new responsibilities and benefits to organizations that have the capacity to participate. There are concerns within
the sector about the implications for citizenship and participation. The sector is highly dependent on volunteers yet little
is known about how organizational change in response to new relationships with the statutory sector impact upon the commitment
and well-being of people who volunteer. This paper addresses that gap in knowledge for older volunteers. Drawing upon collaborative
research with a voluntary organization in the north of England, the authors explore the meanings and aspirations of volunteering
for older people, and explain how and why changes associated with closer engagement with public service delivery and less
grant dependency can be disempowering for them.
相似文献
Susan BainesEmail: |
11.
Jiang Ru Leonard Ortolano 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2009,20(2):141-168
Social movement theories provide a framework for explaining the post-1990 rise in China’s citizen-organized environmental
nongovernmental organizations (ENGOs), which consisted of at least 128 organizations as of 2004. We use a political process
model, which is based on favorable political opportunities, cognitive liberation, and indigenous organizational strength,
to explain the sharp growth in citizen organized ENGOs. In addition, we employ a world society perspective to help clarify
why the political environment in China became favorable for ENGO growth, and how international ENGO practices were diffused
within China. Our analysis shows that the relatively high status of ENGO founders together with their personal and professional
networks also played important roles in ENGO growth.
相似文献
Jiang RuEmail: |
12.
Dana R. Fisher 《Sociological Forum》2006,21(3):467-494
This paper analyzes how natural resource interests have been translated into political outcomes in the form of American climate
change policy. Incorporating data about natural resource use and national decision-making, this paper concludes that comprehending
fully political decisions about global climate change in the United States requires us to recognize how land-use interests
in the growth machine are translated into political outcomes. The findings of this paper suggest that, in order to understand
social phenomena more fully, sociologists must recommit to studying the conjoint constitution of natural resources and social
processes.
相似文献
Dana R. FisherEmail: |
13.
Xiaomin Chen 《Transition Studies Review》2009,16(2):421-428
The legal transitions of private ownership from being admitted limitedly to being protected equally with public ownership,
and of the peasants’ right on rural lands from a contractual right to the right in rem, are almost the same process of social reform. And in the interaction of social development and legislation, the law has
taken on an increasing role in social transition.
相似文献
Xiaomin ChenEmail: |
14.
The proceeding of privatization is a tradeoff between short-term equality and long-term efficiency. Under the existing structures
of enterprise management and government powers, enterprise managers are likely to conspire with government officials to decide
the way of ownership transformation and share the benefits from there. The transformation of ownership will enhance the efficiency
of the company. Corruption indeed presses ahead the transformation of company ownership, whereas inequality is also aggravated
during the process. Case studies are provided to demonstrate the relationship between corruption and privatization in China.
Corruption and inequality are what the country pays for their dream of public ownership in 1950s. Equality, efficiency and
maintaining current social and political structure cannot be achieved simultaneously during enterprise restructuring.
相似文献
Shuang Zhang (Corresponding author)Email: |
15.
Anahit Mkrtchyan 《Transition Studies Review》2009,15(4):701-712
The spontaneous process of immigration of Diaspora Armenians to Armenia started in 1990s. The absence of a relevant policy
in the Diaspora and in the Republic of Armenia made the social cost of relocation for many immigrants rather high. New contacts
turned into a psychological, social and cultural ordeal for both the relocated and local residents. The group isolation within
parts of one unit as a problem has a tendency to grow. Research uses qualitative and quantitative methodologies to understand
the challenges of immigrants in the Armenian reality, to identify policy and ideology gaps to overcome those challenges. The
conclusions of the research can help policy-makers and interested/relevant organizations in Armenia and the Diaspora in the
development of policies to regulate the spontaneous and ineffective processes in and out of the country, and direct all Armenians
forces to country democratisation processes.
相似文献
Anahit MkrtchyanEmail: |
16.
Donatella della Porta 《Qualitative sociology》2008,31(3):221-230
Attention to extreme forms of political violence in the social sciences has been episodic, and studies of different forms
of political violence have followed different approaches, with “breakdown” theories mostly used for the analysis of right-wing
radicalism, social movement theories sometimes adapted to research on left-wing radical groups, and area study specialists
focusing on ethnic and religious forms. Some of the studies on extreme forms of political violence that have emerged within
the social movement tradition have nevertheless been able to trace processes of conflict escalation through the detailed examination
of historical cases. This article assesses some of the knowledge acquired in previous research approaching issues of political
violence from the social movement perspective, as well as the challenges coming from new waves of debate on terrorist and
counterterrorist action and discourses. In doing this, the article reviews contributions coming from research looking at violence
as escalation of action repertoires within protest cycles; political opportunity and the state in escalation processes; resource
mobilization and violent organizations; narratives of violence; and militant constructions of external reality.
相似文献
Donatella della PortaEmail: |
17.
Aycan Çelikaksoy Helena Skyt Nielsen Mette Verner 《Review of Economics of the Household》2006,4(3):253-275
It is a stylized fact that marriage formation involves positive assortative matching on education. We also find this in the
case of immigrants, even when they tend to “import” their spouses and potentially trade off education for other favorable
characteristics. For Pakistanis, we find positive compensating differentials in terms of high education to youth having adopted
host country norms, when marrying a marriage migrant. This indicates that Pakistani marriage migrants pay a premium to be
able to marry and live in Denmark. For Turks, individuals having source country norms pay a premium in order to import a partner,
indicating that unspoiled traditional norms are traded off for education.
相似文献
Mette Verner (Corresponding author)Email: |
18.
Krista E. Paulsen 《Qualitative sociology》2007,30(1):1-19
This paper examines the processes through which notions of heritage confer historic significance upon places—particularly
young sites and structures. Using data drawn from observations of public meetings, media accounts, planning documents and
interviews with key activists, I show how a forty-year-old equestrian showground in Santa Barbara, California was defended
using claims of history and heritage common to historic preservation struggles. The case suggests that the conceptual fluidity
of heritage allows actors to attach its powerful meanings to sites that are not particularly old. Conclusions also discuss
the role of ritual in forging links between heritage and place, and the viability of heritage claims in varying locales and
for groups of differing statuses.
相似文献
Krista E. PaulsenEmail: |
19.
The European debate around genetically modified foods was one of the most sustained and ardent public discussions in the late 1990s. Concerns about risks to human health and the environment were voiced alongside claims that healthier foods can be produced more efficiently and in a more environmentally friendly manner using the new technology. The aims of this paper are (1) to test the usefulness of Stephen Toulmins argumentation model for the analysis of public debates almost 50 years after it was first introduced, and (2) to establish whether any of the parties in the genetically modified (GM) food debate used seriously flawed argumentation. The paper argues that Stephen Toulmins argumentation model can be useful in three ways when analysing public debates. Firstly, incomplete or flawed claims can be defeated by exposing missing or mismatching argumentation elements; all examined arguments in the GM debate were well formulated. Secondly, weaknesses in argumentation can be identified by making explicit warrants and backing; in the GM case, this allowed the identification of points of attack for counter-argumentation. Thirdly, analysing the type of backing used, allows inferences about the persuasion approach taken. The industrialists employed ethical principles as their backing much more than the scientists and environmentalists, a surprising result.
相似文献
Miltos LadikasEmail: Phone: +44-1772-892541Fax: +44-1772-892941 |
Doris SchroederEmail: |
20.
Hilit Erel-Brodsky 《Clinical Social Work Journal》2008,36(4):395-402
In this paper I shall use Winnicott’s concept of potential space to discuss the impasses, which arises when failures occur
in the development of group potential space. Because clinical social work is a service usually provided by public bodies with
limited economic resources, unstable social and political realities are driving many social workers to search for methods
of responding to the needs of many without compromising the quality of the service provided. This requires the acquisition
of increasing knowledge in the field of group therapy, in order to help our clients, who often suffer from disabling conditions,
to become functioning community members. The paper reviews Winnicott’s concept of potential space and Ogden’s formulation
of the psychopathology of potential space, and describes various manifestations of impasses in group work and group development.
Three clinical examples describing therapeutic groups led by clinicians in various public frameworks, are used to illustrate
three different forms of group collapse following a failure in the formation of potential space. A fourth type of collapse
is also discussed.
相似文献
Hilit Erel-BrodskyEmail: |