Red unions and bourgeois democracy: A quantitative-historical analysis of worker militancy and socialist electoral power

This paper investigates how workers’ “economic struggle” determines the “democratic class struggle,” and extends socialist electoral constituency. This paper argues that political outcomes, namely, electoral behavior, may not be understood independently of the labor process, especially its most militant manifestation, strikes. Rather than follow the customary conceptual dichotomy between the sphere of production and the political sphere, it is suggested that both strike activity and electoral participation are compatible political strategies that, under specific historical circumstances, may jointly determine the fate of the Socialist party. The leading question is how did the wave of strikes in post World War I Italy affect the electoral power of the Italian Socialist party, in comparison with another mass party, the Popular Catholic Party. Hierarchical Linear Modeling (HLM) is employed to analyze census, strike, and electoral data. It is found that strike activity and electoral democracy increased the electoral power of the Socialist party, whereas they had little effect on the power of the Catholic party. It is suggested that this was due to the Catholic non-revolutionary program which was ambivalent about the political role of strikes. It is concluded that the socialists’ political success was determined by their dual political strategy in both spheres, electoral participation, and organizing strikes.     

近年来学术界对政治文化视角下的乡村直接选举研究述评

近年来政治文化成为分析乡村直接选举的重要视阈,许多学者立足于中国乡村直接选举的丰富实践,对村民选举的行动策略进行了政治文化的深入解析,以探求选举行为背后的内在导向因素。目前研究成果主要集中在对农村直接选举中政治文化基础的研究、宗族文化与选举行为关系探讨、传统政治文化的导向作用审视、不同政治心理之间冲突对选举效果的影响等方面,所取得的成果丰硕,为乡村民主研究奠定了较为坚实的理论基础。但以更为系统的理论视角来审视之,研究仍存在着一些不足之处,比如调研区域有限、范围较小,所获结论缺乏深度解释力等问题。     

Ethnicity,inequality, and perceived electoral fairness

Establishing electoral legitimacy across the population is vital for democratic stability, yet in contrast to other measures of political support, perceived electoral fairness has received scant scholarly attention. Moreover, while research into other measures of political support has shown that they differ by both ethnicity and socio-economic status, no study examines both at once, potentially overlooking important interrelationships between the two variables. This paper combines data from the Ethnic Power Relations project and the World Value Survey to examine respondents’ perceptions of electoral fairness according to their ethnic group’s access to power, their individual socio-economic status, and the intersection of these two. It finds that one’s ethnic group’s political status does affect perceived fairness, but that the effect interacts strongly with one’s socio-economic status. Poorer members of non-represented ethnic groups have significantly lower perceptions of fairness, while richer members’ perceptions do not differ from those of represented groups. The results suggest a levelling effect of socio-economic status on ethnic inequalities.     

政治冲突与政治共识创造——罗尔斯的协商民主思想及对中国的启示

现代化带来的民族革命和工业革命,经由政党机制和选举机制而导致政治冲突,并直接威胁着世界范围内的民主生存。解决民主危机需要政治共识,协商民主以其宣扬的对话机制、平等协商和参与特征而有益于政治共识的形成。罗尔斯作为协商民主理论家,其协商民主理论强调在道德领域和政治领域的协商和选择,并因其对正义制度、正义分配以及平等论辩的强调而有益于创造政治共识。罗尔斯的协商民主理论对健全和完善社会主义协商民主制度具有重要的借鉴意义。     

关于建构我国竞选制度的思考

关于竞选的研究是完善中国选举制度的子课题。选举实践和理论水平、民众的政治文化素质、选举文化的不足等因素决定在我国应开展“有限竞选”。在各种文件中将各类提名主体的叙述顺序进行调整;敦促单位启动内部的民主参与机制确定提名候选人;理性开展确定正式候选人的“酝酿、讨论、协商”等是候选人产生环节“有限”竞选的措施。候选人与选民或代表之间直接接触;候选人之间展开辩论;候选人依法选择自我宣传的方式等是从候选人到正式当选进程中的竞选机制建构的可选路径。     

中国城市新移民的政治排斥问题分析

当前中国城市中存在较为严重的对城市新移民的政治排斥问题。这一问题的存在使城市新移民的民主权利难以得到保障,社会主义民主政治的优越性难以充分体现;可能导致群体对立和社会分裂,不利于社会主义和谐社会的建设;阻碍政治参与的有序扩大,增加中国政治发展的风险。积极推动户籍制度改革,给予城市新移民以市民权;逐步放宽城市选区选民资格,将城市新移民纳入城市选举制度中来;促进城市社区建设和社区政治发展,加强社会融合;积极发展壮大党和人民团体的基层组织,拓宽城市新移民合法政治参与的渠道,是解决城市新移民的政治排斥问题的良策。     

Explaining voting in the UK's 2016 EU referendum: Values,attitudes to immigration,European identity and political trust

We consider the role of values as determinants of voting in the UK's 2016 EU referendum. First, we consider and clarify ‘values’ conceptually, before proceeding to utilise Schwartz's basic human values as the most appropriate. Second, we theorise how these basic human values determine both voting in the referendum as well as three of the most consistently demonstrated determinants of voting in that referendum: attitudes to immigration, identifying as European and trust in politicians. Finally, we demonstrate that this psychological theoretical framework effectively predicts voting behaviour in the referendum using multigroup structural equation modelling. Overall, we show that voting dynamics in the referendum are likely to reflect deeper, more personal psychological predispositions than those captured by existing explanations. In doing so, we make an original contribution to the literature on political psychology related to Brexit, Euroscepticism, political attitudes and electoral behaviour.     

Choice among behavior options: A methodology and an empiricial example

It is shown that certain core assumptions of the exchange approach can be translated into an algebraic form which is useful in interpreting empirical patterns of choice behavior. These assumptions include the premise that actors hold certain values which they perceive to be attainable in varying degrees by a series of alternative courses of action, and the premise that actors choose among alternative courses of action through a decision rule, which weighs the relative importance and optimal allocation of these values. The algebraic translation of these assumptions can represent the cognitive-evaluative structures used by actors, thereby providing a series of insights into the value dimensions used in choosing among these behavior options. This methodology departs from the analytic procedures of experimental social psychologi by explicitly creating a geometric repressentation of cognitive structure. This representation can be interpreted by mapping independent value rating scales into the space. Coordinates of the space, finally, can be used as dependent variables in conventional multivariate analyses, to study the determinants of individual variation in value orientation.     

Bribery or just desserts? Evidence on the influence of Congressional reproductive policy voting patterns on PAC contributions from exogenous variation in the sex mix of legislator offspring

Evidence on the relationship between political contributions and legislators’ voting behavior is marred by concerns about endogeneity in the estimation process. Using a legislator’s offspring sex mix as a truly exogenous variable, we employ an instrumental variable estimation procedure to predict the effect of voting behavior on political contributions. Following previous research, we find that a legislator’s proportion daughters has a significant effect on voting behavior for women’s issues, as measured by score in the “Congressional Record on Choice” issued by NARAL Pro-Choice America. In the second stage, we make a unique contribution by demonstrating a significant impact of exogenous voting behavior on PAC contributions, lending further credibility to the hypothesis that Political Action Committees respond to legislators’ voting patterns by “rewarding” political candidates that vote in line with the positions of the PAC, rather than affecting those same votes - at least in this high-profile policy domain.     

Income inequality,distributive fairness and political trust in Latin America

In the wake of rising levels of income inequality during the past two decades, widespread concerns emerged about the social and political consequences of the widening gap between the poor and the rich that can be observed in many established democracies. Several empirical studies substantiate the link between macro-level income inequality and political attitudes and behavior, pointing at its broad and negative implications for political equality. Accordingly, these implications are expected to be accentuated in contexts of high inequality, as is the case in Latin America. Despite these general concerns about the consequences of income inequality, few studies have accounted for the importance of individual perceptions of distributive fairness in regard to trust in political institutions. Even less is known about the extent to which distributive fairness perceptions co-vary with objective indicators of inequality. Moreover, the research in this area has traditionally focused on OECD countries, which have lower indexes of inequality than the rest of the world. This study aims at filling this gap by focusing on the relevance of distributive fairness perceptions and macro-level inequality for political trust and on how these two levels interact in Latin American countries. The analyses are based on the Latinobarometer survey 2011, which consists of 18 countries. Multilevel estimations suggest that both dimensions of inequality are negatively associated with political trust but that higher levels of macro-level inequality attenuate rather than increase the strength of the negative association between distributive fairness perceptions and political trust.     

论邓小平政治发展观的价值取向

邓小平政治发展观的价值取向,是通过政治体制改革以实现中国传统社会主义民主的现代转型。邓小平政治发展观以现代文明作为审视民主政治的价值标识,从"以阶级斗争为纲"到"以经济建设为中心",用经济方式来解决政治问题,是当代中国政治发展的思维范式的转换;邓小平政治发展观以渐进改革作为民主政治的价值实现方式,务实主义的观念模式,试验性的方案选择和迂回式的改革发展战略,共同形成了中国政治体制渐进改革思想的特色。     

公民社会与民主巩固：东亚政治实践对西方经典理论的检验

西方经典理论认为,公民社会在民主巩固中发挥极其重要的作用,具体体现在监督选举过程、推动政治参与、强化民主教育等方面。通过考察东亚国家的政治实践来检验西方学者关于公民社会与民主巩固的结论可见,东亚公民社会仍存在一些明显的不利于民主巩固的因素,如公民社会缺乏对民主政治制度化的影响力、公民社会在社会整体利益的整合面前无能为力、公民社会的过度动员等,很容易对民主进程造成分裂性的影响。这一结论表明,对于制度赤字的转型国家而言,公民社会的发展并不是一劳永逸的解决办法。而要更为有效地巩固民主,仍需回归到国家、政府和政党来思考问题。     

Class locations,consumption locations,and the geography of voting in England

Much ecological analysis of voting patterns in England has been concerned to show (a) the importance of occupational class as a determinant of electoral behavior, and (b) that deviations from a predicted pattern based on class variables are consistent with the neighborhood effect hypothesis. Recently, Dunleavy has criticized both these orientations, replacing them with the concept of consumption locations. The present paper shows, using a new procedure to estimate voting at the constituency level, that there still remain spatial variations to be accounted for.     

民主、共和、宪政:辛亥革命的政治现代化选择

辛亥革命是中国政治现代化的开端,是以民主为政治目标,以共和为政治制度,以宪政为治理模式的政治革命。辛亥革命建立中华民国,民主立国、共和建国、宪政治国,使中国政治从传统走向现代:政治统治合法化,政治结构合理化,政治行为多元化。辛亥革命的是非功过,至今招谤涉讼,但遗产丰富,启迪深刻:民主、共和、宪政是政治现代化的历史趋势,是漫长的历史过程,是复杂社会系统,需要立足现实实践,循序渐进,不断发展创新。     

邓小平政治体制改革思想中的辩证关系

邓小平的政治体制改革思想是他改革总体战略的重要组成部分,邓小平关于政治体制改革与政治稳定的关系,关于基本政治制度与具体制度体制的关系,关于领导体制与领导者个人作用的关系,关于政治体制与经济体制改革的关系,都是马克思主义辩证法思维在政治领域的自觉运用。深入研究邓小平政治体制改革思想中的辩证思维,对于继续推进当代中国的政治体制改革,增强在改革中的主动性、创造性和科学性,实现中华民族的伟大复兴,具有十分重要的意义。     

基于社会共治理论的城市居民社区治理参与行为研究

文章基于社会共治理论研究城市居民社区治理参与行为问题。首先,在梳理文献基础上提出居民参与认知、参与意愿及参与行为之间的关系假设;其次,在对成熟量表适应性改进基础上,进行问卷调查;第三,利用SPSS22.0进行描述性分析和相关性分析,并验证了相关假设,即居民参与认知对居民参与行为有显著正向影响、居民参与意愿对居民参与行为有显著正向影响、社区资源保障对居民参与行为有显著正向影响;最后根据分析结果提出了基于社会共治理论的城市居民社区参与行为提升策略,对居民社区参与能力建设具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。     

略论邓小平政治发展观的特色

邓小平的政治发展观 ,主要是通过政治体制改革以实现社会主义民主。邓小平政治发展观以现代文明作为审视民主政治的标识 ,从“以阶级斗争为纲”到“以经济建设为中心” ,用经济方式来解决政治问题 ,是当代中国政治发展的思维范式的转换 ;邓小平政治发展观的价值取向是中国式社会主义政治发展模式 ,通过政治体制改革 ,真正实现社会主义民主 ,坚持中国特色社会主义方向 ,健全社会主义法制 ,在社会稳定的状态中实现政治发展 ,这是目标、原则、途径和特征辩证统一的科学的发展观 ;邓小平政治发展观以渐进改革作为选择方式 ,务实主义的观念模式 ,试验性的方案选择和迂回式的改革发展战略 ,共同形成了中国政治体制渐进改革思想的特色。     

公共物品“多中心”供给的内在逻辑解析

作为另一种应对公共事务中个体理性与集体理性间矛盾的替代性解决方案,“多中心”理论一方面反思了两种传统解决即建立“利维坦”和产权变更各自的缺陷,另一方面又试图论证两种传统解决方案在逻辑上的相容性,这种相容性自然也可以表现在公共物品供给的制度安排上。在体现“多中心”特征的公共物品供给的制度安排中,在政治价值和经济手段两方面强调了公民的选择权利和选择行为,但是,这种选择模式不具有传统公共选择理论所描述集中统一的特征,由此体现了对美国立国的政治价值和原则的回归。而在实践中,公民的选择又是通过政府的民主行政来确保,这种民主行政表现为有关公共物品供给中具有自主和自发特征、分散式的决策。     

高兹资本主义核电技术批判理论及其当代价值

高兹是法国当代左翼生态政治思想家,他以法国发展核电技术为例,从技术、经济、生态和安全方面对资本主义使用的核电技术进行了深刻的分析和批判。他指出核电技术是"资本的圈套",符合资本主义积累逻辑,是资本主义专制的政治选择,社会生态重建的基本前提是工具转换。高兹的核电批判理论为我们审视目前的能源发展战略提供了一种新的理论视野,他对节约能源以及采用新技术发展新型能源的思考,对建设生态文明具有重要的价值。     

"单位型社区"居民政治参与的微观机制——对Z社区的个案研究

政治活动的本质是一种公共选择,个人在参与政治活动时以个人利益的最大化为目的,以成本-收益分析为根据。对Z社区居民政治参与的研究发现:实际参与率低、参与人群结构不合理的制度根源在于单位的资源垄断和居委会的行政化。激励居民政治参与的关键举措是彻底解构单位制,使社区真正成为社区公共事务的法人主体;以社区为选区,遴选人大代表或政府官员;转变政府职能,发育公共空间,使社区居委会真正成为居民利益的代言人。