Religion in School

It has become a banal statement (one that does not elicit objections) that we are living in "troubled" times. This is not the place to talk about the causes of such a situation; what we have to deal with here are the consequences. The breakdown of dogmas in the social consciousness in a period of instability is primarily a threat to young people. We are faced with the danger of producing a generation of "children of perestroika," who have lost their faith in everything and everyone, who are filled with negativism, total denial, and quiet desperation, who carry in themselves, at best, moral deafness and fierce egotism. The crisis of worldview in society may produce a generation of "lukewarm" people who are not capable of any personal or social creativity and service. At the same time, however, the crisis opens possibilities for a genuine rebirth of culture, for reactivation of the quest for "self" on the part of every person and of society as a whole. This active striving on the part of the healthy portion of young people must be met by today's intellectual elite with full knowledge and understanding of the situation, with a readiness and ability to satisfy the needs for a worldview of their fellow citizens, drawing upon all the values of our native and world culture. These needs must be truly satisfied, not by pumping out the latest current "lies" or by manufacturing the "most progressive doctrines of modern times" atthe request of this or that social body, because our society cannot stand to be deceived one more time.     

Vanishing financial contagion?

While a number of crises in emerging markets generated widespread contagion in financial markets during the 1990s, more recent crises (notably, in Argentina) have been mostly contained within national borders. This has led some observers to wonder whether contagion might have become a feature of the past, with financial markets now better discriminating between emerging countries with good and bad fundamentals. Available data suggest that the main channels that contribute to transmitting financial crises across countries are – if anything – even stronger today than in the 1990s. Moreover, anticipation by international investors may help to explain the near-absence of contagion in the context of the Argentine crisis. This paper argues that a prudent working assumption is that financial contagion has not vanished.     

激进民主、对抗性与霸权--拉克劳和墨菲后马克思主义政治规划的批评性解读

作为一种左派话语,拉克劳和墨菲的激进民主政治规划实际上是通过阿尔都塞和拉康等人的"反本质主义"逻辑把客观的"社会"存在改写成一种主观的话语空间而形成的价值立场,在其中政治的对抗性基础变成一种与社会条件无涉的个体对抗,政治本身变成一种霸权斗争(即话语争夺的斗争).正是这一原因,这种政治规划彻底地抛弃了马克思主义的经济基础与上层建筑之分、阶级斗争等核心理论.文章从后马克思主义诞生的直接背景及其理论逻辑解读了马克思主义的这种语言学转向,指出它是西方左派摆脱自身危机的一种伦理突围.     

工业城市"多元参与"公共危机管理机制的建构

近年来我国工业城市公共危机事件频繁发生,呈现出高频次、大规模,危机后果的严重性和持续性等特征,使我国工业城市进入公共危机的高发期。种种迹象表明,工业城市在获取经济利益的同时,也面临着高风险,工业城市公共安全已成为政府的一道难题。如何及时有效地处置这些突发公共危机事件已成为城市尤其是工业城市政府高度关注的重大问题。因此,在工业城市中构建良好的政、企、社区"多元参与"的互动关系系统:以政府为核心,承担着领导、监督、指导的工作;以企业、社区为基础和保证,承担着支持政府的工作。构建多元参与、多方沟通与交流,相互协调,相互促进的公共危机管理机制已势在必行。     

Changes of Electoral Politics under the Growing Wealth Gap in East Asia since the Global Financial Crisis: South Korea and China’s Taiwan in Comparison

Abstract

The economic recession caused by the global financial crisis of 2008 affected political change across the world in different ways. Economic and social problems turned into political crises in North Africa. In Europe and America, dissatisfaction over such problems caused social unrest but did not imperil the political order. In East Asia, where competitive party politics have just emerged, the financial crisis sparked a correlative political and economic reaction model involving economic recession—growing wealth gap—public policy transition in electoral politics. Major electoral campaigns over the past five years in China’s Taiwan, the Republic of Korea and other economies in East Asia indicate that prioritizing economic growth and equitable distribution are emerging to be common core issues in different parties’ electoral competition despite remnant historical questions and highly politicized issues. The new electoral politics based on public policy competition has gained greater space for development against the background of an economic recession and a growing wealth gap, and is exerting a profound influence on the political and economic development process in East Asia.     

哈贝马斯新社会运动理论述评

哈贝马斯把新社会运动视为人的需要受到忽视的结果,通过参照"系统"与"生活世界"的分裂的观点,从"合法化"的角度来探讨新社会运动的命运。哈贝马斯认为新社会运动具有两大特点:一是这些运动能防止"生活世界殖民化",通过交往理性来维护规范共识;二是这些运动的本质要求是较少关注物质再生产,而更关注文化再生产、社会一体化和社会化。由于这些运动与传统的围绕分配而展开斗争的工人运动不同,哈贝马斯认为它们不可能被政党制度化或通过物质补偿而缓和。哈贝马斯的"新社会运动理论"对当下的和谐社会的构建具有启发意义,但其在有着理论解释力的同时也存有某些理论局限性。     

战后美国南部"文化危机"问题

美国有史以来,其南部一直是一个亚文化区域,走过了一条与其他地区十分不同的发展道路,有着自身独特的保守主义文化传统。二战以后,南部社会经历了深刻的变迁,其经济模式、政治运作乃至种族关系等方面都逐渐与美国主流社会趋同,于是,"多元文化主义"中的南部"文化危机"问题成为美国学术界论争的对象。事实上,南部文化并没有随着南部政治和经济的巨大变革而出现危机。实质上它是论争各方在文化的概念上存在分歧、中产阶级理论的误用和美国当下保守主义思潮的巨大影响所致。美国南部文化特征依然鲜明。     

Families with young children in times of economic downturn: Implications for social work practice

In response to the global financial crisis, social policies in Europe and elsewhere incorporated a logic of social investment to reduce (child) poverty and social inequality. Several critiques, however, have been raised against the narrowness of this discourse. In order to introduce another way of seeing, an interview study was conducted inspired by the interpretative paradigm of lifeworld orientation. This has allowed us to acquire a critical, in‐depth understanding of the consequences of economic downturn and unemployment for families with young children (0–3 years old), from their point of view. Findings highlight the importance of listening to parents here and now, in order to be able to take account of their concrete, lived realities within the context of the broader society and critically assess these realities according to principles of human dignity and social justice. Implications for social work practice are discussed.     

The development of policy on international student welfare and the question of crisis response

The global market in international education has grown almost without interruption over several decades. Increases in international student enrolments in Australia have been among the most impressive in the world, though they declined between 2010 and 2013. The decline was attributable to exchange rate movements and changes to student visa regulations, though an additional factor lay in reputational fallout from a series of violent physical attacks on Indian students, mostly in 2009. In response, Australian federal and State governments undertook diplomatic trips to India, established a raft of public inquiries to investigate the broader question of international student welfare, and made policy changes. Utilising the literature on public policy “crises”, this paper presents government responses to the 2010–2013 downturn in terms of managing a “long‐shadow crisis” (Boin et al., The Politics of Crisis Management: Public Leadership Under Pressure; Cambrtidge University Press, 2005), which typically emerges quickly but has major political consequences, is only seen to be resolved incrementally, and calls for policy change rather than fine‐tuning in response. The adequacy of the policy response to the crisis is not discussed. The article suggests that the crisis and the response acted to elevate the status of international education as an area of policy in general, though not as a mainstream area of social policy.     

突发事件与首都城市应急联动系统的构建

本文首先阐述了首都北京目前所面临的各种突发事件形态特点 ,在剖析北京城市应急联动系统的现状、问题与根源的基础上 ,提出了完善北京城市应急联动系统 ,尽快建立首都现代危机管理体系的相关建议     

权力与时尚再生产——布迪厄文化消费理论再考察

本文从权力与权力关系的角度出发，对布迪厄文化消费理论的核心之一--时尚再生产理论进行考察。该理论基于以下两大主张：（1）时尚是生产场域与消费场域这两个相互独立的场域共同“协作”的结果；（2）权力关系贯穿于时尚与流行再生产的每一个环节。布迪厄指出，不论是生产场域还是消费场域都是斗争的场所，行动者在此为争夺合法性与卓越化而展开激烈的竞争。一方面，时尚生产场域具有相对自主性，权力斗争并不直接表现为阶级或阶层间的对立，并以迂回的方式参加社会权力的合法化和再生产斗争。另一方面，消费场域即指阶级场域或支配阶级场域。消费者在该场域中进行着无休止的分类斗争（阶级斗争）。权力关系直接反映了阶级关系。而且只有支配阶级才有权参加时尚与流行的再生产，中下阶层是无法加入此类卓越化游戏的，他们至多只能作为反衬而存在。反映统治阶级合法品味的时尚被广泛用来对下层阶级实施符号暴力。     

企业危机的预防和处理

企业预防危机的措施有:强化危机意识,培育预见能力;建立预防危机的信息监测系统,成立危机预防小组;制定危机应变计划,进行危机模拟训练;强化公关手段,加强内部沟通和企业文化建设。有效处理危机,企业要有一个强有力的指挥核心,齐心协力,在对危机进行深入调查基础上,针对不同公众,采取相应对策,并做好善后工作。     

Ethics of care and social policy

Care work is to a high degree equivalent with female work and has not, to any great extent, been of interest to traditional social sciences. Women's studies has however changed this, and today there is a broad academic discussion about care work as well as about the concept of care itself. This article reviews this discussion; the concepts of care and ethics are linked and given feminine content. With reference to studies within the authors' research programme: "Care for the elderly: conditions and everyday realities", results are then reviewed that show how organizational, political and ideological relationships affect the content and quality of care. Finally, European social policy trends and the consequences of new systems of paying for care are discussed from a gender perspective. The authors warn against a context-free coupling between women and an ethic of care, and show how neoliberal politics can use feminist "struggle concepts" to put women "back in their place".     

论当代资本主义发展的不平衡性

当代资本主义显现出发展的不平衡性:美国恪守单一私人占有制的传统模式和向富人倾斜的收入分配政策;欧洲推行"混合经济"模式和均等化的收入分配政策。其原因是:欧洲各国工人反对资本主义的斗争卓有成效,社会民主党长期执政,受社会主义影响较深;而美国工人阶级力量薄弱,斗争力度不强,右翼势力强大,受自由主义影响深重。     

金融危机的逻辑及其社会后果

目前中国的经济问题,从表面看来,是在美国金融危机冲击的背景下发生的,但从根本上来说,是一场从生活必需品时代向耐用消费品时代转型转不过去而形成的传统的生产过剩危机。原发于美国的金融危机只是引发并加速了正在酝酿中的中国的生产过剩危机。因此,美国的问题不一定是中国的问题。中国目前所面临的问题更具有传统的生产过剩危机的特点。这是我们分析中国在这次危机中一些重要问题的前提,而对经济危机产生的社会后果的讨论,也必须建立在这一前提的基础之上。中国所面临的问题主要是表现在实体经济的层面及其该问题向社会层面的传导。在这种情况下,我们面临的重要任务是,利用经济危机的机会,真正实现发展方式的转变,为从生活必需品时代顺利转型到耐用消费品时代创造条件;同时进行社会安全网络的建设,形成可以隔绝或减缓经济危机向社会层面传导的过滤机制。     

历史个体与普遍历史:历史主义脉络中的社会变迁

发端于18世纪的德国历史主义思想脉络中,包含着一种从历史个体到历史个体的普遍历史解释模式。这种独特的社会变迁思想是在同启蒙思想的对话中确立起来的。起先包裹在天意历史论的目的论外衣中,后来历史主义的发展逐步脱去了这层外衣,在解释社会学传统中演变成了一种经验科学意义上的独特社会变迁思想。随着社会理论对韦伯的去历史化,蕴含在解释社会学中的这种社会变迁思想逐渐被淹没了。有鉴于此,本文将在赫尔德以来的历史主义脉络节点中梳理这种社会变迁思想的形成。     

Real and financial shocks,exchange rate regimes and the probability of a currency crisis

We analyze the relationships among shocks, exchange rate regimes, and capital controls in relation to the probability of a currency crisis. Based on the theoretical model by Nakatani (2016, 2017a), we use panel data on 34 developing countries and apply a probit estimation. We find that both productivity shocks and risk premium shocks trigger currency crises, whereas productivity shocks are important for severe currency crises. We also find that the effects of these shocks on the probability of a crisis are larger for floating exchange rate regimes and that capital controls mitigate the effects of productivity shocks in pegged regimes.     

Who Needs Music Patrols?

Dear Editors: I was deeply shocked by your article in the July 1st issue entitled "A Music Patrol." We all know that music has never mixed with politics: musicians are neutral on such matters. Every country has all types of orchestras-symphonic, chamber and jazz—which perform all manner of music. This is especially so in restaurants, where a person goes to have supper, relax and listen to tunes of his choosing. Let us assume the band is playing American songs (in response to the listeners' demands) such as Lullabye, St. Louis Blues and so on. What now? Will Komsomol members interfere here too? Let them rather look to order in the streets and not try to butt in and offer their absurd advice in matters musical! Is it your idea that they are to forbid Eddie Rozner from performing Duke Ellington's Caravan and Mood Indigo?     

Child poverty in Taiwan during the global financial crisis: from the perspective of new social risks

The economic conditions of families with children during the 2008 financial crisis became worse. The factors affecting child poverty in Taiwan can be explained from the perspective of new social risks. This study analyzed the poverty reduction effects of public transfers and taxes in order to evaluate the government role in the economic downturn. From the viewpoint of the protection of children's rights, new policies must be created in response to new social risks and future financial crises.     

Revisiting the welfare state system in the Republic of Korea

Abstract   The Republic of Korea's welfare system has undergone radical institutional expansion since the 1990s, largely as a consequence of the financial crisis of 1997. In spite of these changes, public social expenditure remains extremely low — particularly with regard to all other OECD countries — with the result that the overall social insurance system and social welfare service sector remain underdeveloped. Thus, the current welfare system can best be characterized as a residual model, in that state intervention as a provider of welfare remains highly limited and the family and the private market economy play the central roles in offering a social safety net. This situation is largely the legacy of the so-called 'growth-first' ideology, which has remained the dominant approach favoured by the majority of the country's political and economic decision-makers since the period of authoritarian rule (1961-1993). The adoption of Western European-style neo-liberal restructuring, implemented following the 1997 financial crisis, has also played a role.