Unruly Theory and Difficult Practice: Issues and Dilemmas in Work with Women Politicians

The importance of exploring the 'gender' dimension in political research has achieved a level of acceptability over the past few years as more women become part of the political mainstream as elected representatives. Rather than being viewed as lone mavericks who at best operate as honorary men and at worst function as idiosyncratic (but powerful) leaders guided by whimsy and their menstrual cycle, women politicians are now viewed as legitimate foci for analysis. As women are achieving political incorporation into parliamentary democracies, if not always power to effect change once they are there,they inevitably become targets for media and academic interest. This paper explores some of the tensions which arise for a feminist researcher intent on pursuing a feminist politics but where the theory-practice dissonance is sometimes hard to handle. This becomes especially so where her interviewees do not always share the same political values and when they sometimes engage with precisely the same kinds of power games associated with male elites. When disclosure of personal values elicits an over-empathising (and sometimes slanderous) testimony by interviewees, such revelations carry their own ethical and moral dilemmas for the feminist researcher. The paper begins by discussing the key themes in feminist research practice, including problems of definition,before moving on to consider someof the issues which arise when doing interview-based work with elite women. It explores the lack of congruence which can arise between 'established' feminist principles relating to interviewing women 'subjects' and the reality of working with 'professional' interviewee groups such as women politicians.     

Neoliberal feminism: The neoliberal rhetoric on feminism by Australian political actors

Feminism seems to be experiencing a resurgence. This research examines an Australian case where this resurgence produces some bizarre outcomes and an uncomfortable mix of moderate and neoliberal feminisms, as conservative women distance themselves from the term feminist and conservative men embrace it. We rhetorically analyse the discourse of four conservative leaders using an ideographic analysis to reveal how political actors evoke ideologically laden terminology to support specific courses of action. For the conservative women, the ideograph feminist was too heavily laden with history. A more feminine‐liberal political discourse allowed them to explain their own success in individual terms and, by substituting support for feminism with a broader gender equality agenda, they could explain the government's policy approach of individualized rather than collective or state support to advance the needs of women. They are articulating a postfeminism sensibility themselves and neoliberal feminist other. For the conservative men, the ideograph feminist did not reflect on their own personal success or careers; they were happy to embrace it for purely political purposes to advance their standing with the voting public and saw no significance in terms of the government's policy approach of neoliberal feminism.     

Missing Out on the Parenthood Bonus? Voluntarily Childless in a “Child-friendly” Society

This article draws on interviews with Swedish voluntarily childless women and men in order to discuss their understandings of living in a so-called “child-friendly” welfare society where social policies subsidize families with children. Previous research from Anglo-Saxon countries implies that the social, political and economical interests of the voluntarily childless are in conflict with the interests of parents and that state subsidies and policies in support of parents could be considered as discrimination of childless people. However, in contrast to this previous research, the interviewees did not object to the redistributive tax system that benefits parents or to the political ambition to build a “child-friendly” labour market where it is possible to reconcile work with parenthood. Instead they defended themselves against accusations for being “free-riders” who did not contribute to society by referring to the responsibility they took by paying high taxes. Notwithstanding, the informants criticized how some parents misused their benefits and cashed in on them, making the voluntarily childless feel exploited. The article also suggests that state subsidies can eliminate some motives for voluntary childlessness but not all of them. The results add nuances to previous research as they highlight the importance of further investigating the relations between parents and non-parents in a social and political context.     

On Collision Course : The European Central Bank,Monetary Policy,and the Nordic Welfare Model

The question addressed in this paper is whether a particular discursive construction of globalization sets the boundaries for what is politically feasible within the EU. To answer this question, the macroeconomic policies of the European Monetary and Economic Union with its rigid emphasis on price stability are analysed in the context of the Nordic promise to preserve the present level of social programmes. What makes this 'puzzle' so interesting is that for the first time a large section of women voters hold the key to joining EMU. The analysis differs frommanyother feminist approaches to EMUand equal opportunity policy in that it combines a constructivist understanding of EMU with feminist political economy. The paper concludes that the Nordic promise to its female constituency to safeguard the present socialandemployment system cannot be sustained within the context of the restrictive monetary regime institutionalized by EMU. Feminist economists are calling for a 'transformative' approach to macroeconomics arguing that democratizing the process of macroeconomic policy making is a crucial element in changing the fundamental assumptions of the present neo-liberal policies and provides an alternative that would lead to a more gender-democratic Europe.     

Swedish Feminism, 1835–1945: A Conservative Revolution

Abstract Analysis of the early Swedish women's movement shows that its accomplishments were shaped more by structural and political changes under way in Sweden at the time, than by specific feminist demands. My claim is that the gains of Swedish feminists largely accrued from efforts on the part of political state leaders to incorporate women as a constituent group during a period of increasing class conflict. Many of the Swedish social reforms which promoted gender equality were derived from the goals of politicians to modulate class tensions and increase their political base of support. This helps account for the fact that the gains won, while considerable, often had little to do with the project of the feminist movement.     

A Reappraisal of the Quality of Women Candidates

Abstract

This article focuses on “second-wave” feminist perspectives on the role of the state and its effectiveness in removing gender-based inequality in Indian society. The major argument is that feminist rethinking of the relationship of women to the state illustrates the maturity of the Indian women's movement and its recognition that well-planned, mobilized, and effective state policies are crucial to the promotion of women's interests. Recent scholarship has addressed, more systematically and more critically than any in the past, the nexus between social and political processes and the subordination of women. It provides a contextualized and nuanced understanding of the complex interconnections between gender, state, religion, and community. Consequently, not only have feminist writings of the past two decades in India added to current gender sensitive scholarship on the state and development, they have also facilitated the construction of programmatic guides for realizing “strategic gender interests.”     

Policies as Gendering Practices: Re-Viewing Categorical Distinctions

ABSTRACT

For some time feminist scholars have been concerned with rethinking the constraints imposed on feminists’ strategies by categorical distinctions, such as the distinction between “women” and “men.” This issue has become more pressing due to a political commitment to recognize diversity among women and among men (consider here discussions of masculinities and intersectionality). This article offers the conceptualization of policies as gendering practices as a way to rethink categorical distinctions and to direct attention to how inequality is “done.” In this approach the focus shifts from considering how policies impact on women and men to asking how they constitute or make them come to be. More broadly, this contribution recommends the need to examine policies for their interacting, constitutive effects, asking how they are potentially gendering, racializing, heteronorming, classing, disabling, third-worldizing, etc.     

New Pride and Old Prejudice

The determinants of women's political orientations are explored in terms of two perspectives: ambition and gender role and their interrelationship. A sample of 1336 Democratic and Republican delegates to the 1972 national nominating conventions was used to compare the political expectations and aspirations of men and women. Women were found tohave less interest in holding public officebut equalled men in aspiring to party careers. Party as well as sex differences affected the political ambitions of female elites, with Democratic women more likely to pursue public office holding and Republican women remaining committed to the party sphere. Women's roles in the family and at work were also found to influence the development of political ambition among women. In addition, gender roles had an impact on the type of ambition women developed and the styles of activism they pursued.     

A Little Encouragement Goes a (not so) Long Way: An Experiment to Increase Political Ambition

ABSTRACT

Although there is a significant gender gap in political ambition, the literature has shown that women are responsive to encouragement to run for office. As a result, both political parties and other organizations have adopted online campaigns to encourage women to seek political candidacy. The purpose of this study is to explore whether forms of online and impersonal encouragement can result in higher levels of political ambition among recipients. To test this possibility, we randomly assigned 341 participants into two conditions: control and encouragement. Despite receiving positive encouragement about their own political abilities, there were no significant differences between the two conditions.     

The Evolution of Feminism: Comparison of Adaptation and By-Product Concepts

The aspiration of an ideal social structure includes the ambition of construction of a society that does not discriminate on the basis of gender. The development of feminist thought is an endeavor for evolutionary changes within the prevailing patriarchal society. This article exemplifies the development and changes in the feminist movement due to internal pressures, external politics, and ideological changes, by highlighting the oppression of women and the movement's chief accomplishments, and strives to explain this evolution from the standpoint of two alternative justifications, an adaptationist and by-product influence. It elucidates underlying aspects of the movement and the prerequisites for it to flourish and become a multifaceted, global phenomenon.     

Gender and Occupation in Market Economies: Change and Restructuring Since the 1980s

This paper compares employment restructuring, gender, and occupationalchange in Japan, Sweden, the UK, and the USA, since the 1980s.Its analytical framework is derived from feminist debates aboutthe relative influence of political–economic skill regimesand cultural ideologies of gender on occupational sex segregation.In each country, the shift towards services has further concentratedmen's dominance of employment in extractive and transformativeindustries. Pre-existing patterns of occupational segregationbetween the sexes have not however been universally reinforced.A degree of occupational upgrading has facilitated women's movementinto a growing range of professional and managerial occupations,but the extent of economic opportunity for women is not a simplefunction of labor market economics. The social–democratic,egalitarian values and policies of Sweden, for example, seemto have offered greater economic benefits to women than themore individualized, liberalized labor market policies of theUK. In conclusion, it is argued that gender and markets aremutually constitutive; their evolution is not pre-given butsubject to political choices informed by history and culture.     

Dilemmas of Difference:

This paper examines the contemporary intersection of postmodernism and feminist theories of gender difference. Three strategic forms for posing the relationship between western feminism and the Enlightenment legacy of humanistic rationalism are examined: feminist rationalism, feminine antirationalism, and feminist postrationalism, and feminist postrationalism. It is argued that the theoretical rigor of postrationalism. It is argued that the theoretical rigor of postrationalism is obtained at the cost of a deracinated politics, while themore tangible political appeals of rationalism and antirationalism reproduce mirrored naive accounts of the relationship between women and modern western culture. The aim of this paper isto open up, rather than to resolve, questions concerning the relationship between feminism, modernity, and postmodern theory.     

Integrating critical realist and feminist methodologies: ethical and analytical dilemmas

This paper reflects on research carried out with a group of women receiving intensive family support aimed at addressing the cause of their family’s ‘anti-social behaviour’. The methodological approach to the research was underpinned by the philosophical principles of critical realism. It was also informed by the ethical and political concerns of feminist scholarship. The paper reports on the potential points of tension that arise between feminism and critical realism in empirical research. In particular, attention is centred on the process of trying to marry approaches which stress the central role of participants’ knowledge, particularly those who are ‘labelled’ and whose voices are not readily heard, with the principle that some accounts of ‘reality’ are better than others.     

Turkey's Response to Sex Trafficking of Migrant Women: Is It Efficient Enough?

Human trafficking for sexual exploitation is a serious problem affecting especially women and children. Turkey has been particularly affected by sex trafficking because of the large numbers of female migrants that it receives. This article aims to critically assess the effectiveness of Turkey's current policies against sex trafficking using a feminist theoretical perspective with a particular focus on migrant women. To this end, the scope of the problem in Turkey, the supply and demand sides of sex trafficking, and the existing policies are discussed. Sex trafficking is examined at the intersection of Turkey's migration and prostitution regimes. It is argued that Turkey's response to sex trafficking has been inefficient because it currently focuses only on the economic supply side of the problem, ignoring the patriarchal demand side of it. The article concludes with a discussion of policy recommendations for Turkey that could help reduce sex trafficking in this country.     

Feminist politics, domestic violence and the state

This paper explores the relationship between feminist politics and the state around the issue of domestic violence. Its focus is the refuge movement in Wales. Feminist analyses of the state and feminist political practice identify the state as an important object of struggle. A particular form of feminist politics, the refuge movement, has engaged with the state while retaining its autonomy. It has been instrumental in effecting legal changes which bestow certain rights on women threatened with domestic violence, and in increasing women's access to resources in the form of temporary refuge and permanent housing. Feminist political practice can affect the distribution of resources through engaging with the state, thereby enabling women to challenge the gendered power relations which structure their daily lives.     

Formerly Incarcerated Women Speak Out

This article presents the stories of formerly incarcerated women as they transition from prison back to their communities. The purpose of the article, based on feminist and visual ethnographic research methods, is to learn from the women themselves about the entities that support their efforts to rebuild their lives and stay out of prison as well as the barriers that impede such efforts. A major focus of this article is the women who mobilized on behalf the civil and human rights for all formerly incarcerated people and thus become their own advocates for change in policies and societal attitudes toward those with criminal records.     

Where Is the Sex in Political Theory?

In the tradition of political theory, women and sexuality are rarely mentioned. When discussed, they are almost always treated together-women become nearly synonomous with sexuality while men, regarded as political or intellectual subjects, are disassociated from sex. This essay explores the implications of this phenomenon for political theory's construction of women, sex, and politics. It also examines the implications of the historical association of women with sex for contemporary feminist political thinking. The essay concludes with considerations of the ways in which traditionally gendered sexuality needs to be recast in order to liberate both women and politics from this history.     

Evangelical Women and Feminism:

Although a number of studies have demonstrated that evangelical women are more likely than other women to take anti-feminist positions, recent research suggests that there might be substantial support among evangelicals for certain feminist positions. Using data from the 1984 American National Election study, we find that evangelical women are indeed more antifeminist than other women, but that a sizable minority take feminist positions on a number of issues. Approximately one in six can be classified as having a politicized feminist consciousness, while an additional quarter are potential converts to the feminist cause. These potential feminists are fairly negative toward the feminist movement, however. This is due in part to the association by many evangelical women between the women's movement, lesbian rights, and abortion.     

Women in Politics in Norway

This paper attempts to explain how and why women in Norway have achieved unusually high political representation. The study, based on forty-three personal interviews with female politicians and persons familiar with Norwegian political culture, found that certain favorable social and political preconditions existed in Norway that encouraged women's entry into politics. However, it was the strong and effectively organized women's movement which was responsible for the significant increase of women in politics. A number of environmental opportunities and threats facilitated the formation of a successful coalition between establishment and new feminist factions of the women's movement. This coalition then used effective strategies to get more women into politics.     

Economies of visibility as a moderator of feminism: ‘Never mind Brexit. Who won Legs‐it!’

This article utilizes economies of visibility to interpret how two UK women political leaders’ bodies are constructed in the press, online and by audience responses across several media platforms via a multimodal analysis. We contribute politicizing economies of visibility, lying at the intersection of politics of visibility and economies of visibility, as a possible new modality of feminist politics. We suggest this offers a space where feminism can be progressed. Analysis illustrates how economies of visibility moderate feminism and tie women leaders in various ways to their bodies; commodities constantly scrutinized. The study surfaces how media insist upon femininity through appearance from women leaders, serving to moderate power and feminist potential. We consider complexities attached to public consumption of powerful women's constructions, set up in opposition, where sexism is visible and visceral. This simultaneously fortifies moderate feminism and provokes feminism. The insistence on femininity nevertheless disrupts, through an arousal of audible and commanding feminist voices, to reconnect with the political project of women's equality.