New Pride and Old Prejudice

The determinants of women's political orientations are explored in terms of two perspectives: ambition and gender role and their interrelationship. A sample of 1336 Democratic and Republican delegates to the 1972 national nominating conventions was used to compare the political expectations and aspirations of men and women. Women were found tohave less interest in holding public officebut equalled men in aspiring to party careers. Party as well as sex differences affected the political ambitions of female elites, with Democratic women more likely to pursue public office holding and Republican women remaining committed to the party sphere. Women's roles in the family and at work were also found to influence the development of political ambition among women. In addition, gender roles had an impact on the type of ambition women developed and the styles of activism they pursued.     

Political Ambition Among Black and White Women:

A two stage socialization model is used to analyze ambition among black and white women who are active in party politics. It is hypothesized that learning or activities considered atypical for women will stimulate ambition among women, but that patterns of significant factors may vary across races. The general hypothesis is sustained, although the staged model is given only marginal support. The ambition of white women is linked to nontraditional sex role beliefs, while black women's ambitious linked to current activities and the existence of parental interest in politics. Both sets of ambitious women report atypical sex role education in their backgrounds.     

Contrasting Socialization of Igbo and Hausa Women and Political Efficiency

The early childhood socialization of women in two very different Nigerian societies, the Igbo and the Hausa, is discussed to illustrate that first impressions may not always be accurate in seeking to understand the nature of women's subordination to men in nonwestern cultures, and consequently the nature of likely challenges to it. This discussion adds case material to the separate place/separate pwer hypothesis in suggesting that secluded Muslim Hausa women may have greater potential for political efficacy than more overtly aggressive, assertive, and largely Christian Igbo women because the near total separation of Hausa women from men allows them to perceive their interests as distinct more clearly.     

Attitudes toward lesbians,gay men,bisexual women,and bisexual men in Germany

Attitudes toward lesbians, gay men, bisexual women, and bisexual men were assessed in a national representative sample of 2,006 self‐identified heterosexual women and men living in Germany. Replicating previous findings, younger people held more favorable attitudes than older people; women held more favorable attitudes than men; and men held more favorable attitudes toward female than male homosexuality, whereas women did not differentiate. However, women held more favorable attitudes toward homosexuals than toward bisexuals, whereas men did not differentiate. Knowing a homosexual person was an important predictor of attitudes, as was political party preference. Both same‐sex and opposite‐sex sexual attraction were substantially related with attitudes. Our findings support the notion that attitudes toward lesbians, gay men, bisexual women, and bisexual men are related but distinct constructs.     

Attitudes toward lesbians, gay men, bisexual women, and bisexual men in Germany

Attitudes toward lesbians, gay men, bisexual women, and bisexual men were assessed in a national representative sample of 2,006 self-identified heterosexual women and men living in Germany. Replicating previous findings, younger people held more favorable attitudes than older people; women held more favorable attitudes than men; and men held more favorable attitudes toward female than male homosexuality, whereas women did not differentiate. However, women held more favorable attitudes toward homosexuals than toward bisexuals, whereas men did not differentiate. Knowing a homosexual person was an important predictor of attitudes, as was political party preference. Both same-sex and opposite-sex sexual attraction were substantially related with attitudes. Our findings support the notion that attitudes toward lesbians, gay men, bisexual women, and bisexual men are related but distinct constructs.     

Sex Differences in Political Activity in Britain

Using survey data from 1963 and 1974, the analysis explores the relative rates of political participation of British men and women in a number of conventional political parties. As in the U.S. case, in Britain men and women do participate at about the same rates in a number of activities, including voting, party identification, party membership and activity, and political group membership and activity. On the other hand, more males than females claim interest in politics. Several explanations are discussed for these findings, and comparisons are made with findings from other nations.     

Women’s mobilisation in the Portuguese revolution: context and framing strategies

This article examines the role of women’s mobilisations related to the 1974 Portuguese revolution. An in-depth analysis of three women’s organisations through archival research and interviews with participants highlights the ways in which they participated in a cycle of contention between 1974 and 1977. Examination of framing strategies demonstrates the effects of political and cultural context. In particular, I demonstrate that movement–party alliances informed and constrained the diagnostic and prognostic frames of women’s movements on feminism and the revolution. Opportunity structures are shown to vary for different organisations within the same cycle of contention. Facing relatively closed opportunities, two of these organisations pursued framing strategies that articulated with the Left-dominated master frame of the cycle in order to carve out spaces for gender-specific demands while rejecting the label of feminism. The third organisation, instead, presented a countercultural frame that alienated the organisation from party and movement allies. Unable to overcome ideological divisions and rivalries, the three organisations perceived each other as competitors, rather than potential allies. While party–movement cooperation contributed to the emergence of a fractionalised women’s movement, it also provided important support structures to aid women’s organisations to mobilise in a cultural and political context that was closed to feminist demands.     

Explaining the Gender Gap in British Public Opinion

The gender gap in British public opinion is explored using data from the 1983 British Election Study. Differences in opinions between men and women are examined in light of three explanations frequently offered to explain gender differences in political behavior: socialization, situational factors such as employment and marital status, and structural factors. Findings indicate that there appears to be no major gender gap on basic ideology, but that women are more liberal than men on issues relating to force, the environment, and women's issues and more conservative on morality issues.     

Social Position and Commitment to Core Values:

The present analysis addresses whether gender influences support for the core values of individualism, self-reliance and equal opportunity. Both a capitalist economic system and democratic political system emphasize the value of the individual, self-reliance and equal opportunity. It is argued that socialization within these systems promotes individualistic beliefs even among those who are discriminated against. The impact of gender on commitment to core values and the influence of these values among women and men on support for government helping women is explored. The results suggest that men and women equally support individualistic values and that these values are similarly influential on questions of government intervention on women's behalf. Exceptions are found among younger men, who more likely support intervention than older men, and that among women, positive regard for women achieves a significant impact on policy support whereas the same does not hold true among men. It is argued that individualistic commitments among women and men provide the impetus to evaluate policy decisions in terms of the nature of government intervention even though women comprise the targeted beneficiaries of these policies.     

The Effect of Daughters on Partisanship and Social Attitudes Toward Women

Washington ( 2008 ) finds that daughters promote liberal voting (at least with respect to women's issues) among U.S. Congress members and attributes this finding to socialization. However, daughters’ influence could manifest differently for elite politicians and the general citizenry either due to self‐selection or the Trivers‐Willard hypothesis, which suggests that parents invest differently in male and female children depending on their social status. Using nationally representative data from the General Social Survey, this study asks whether biological daughters affect political party identification, traditional views of women, or opinions about abortion and teen sex. We find that female offspring promote identification with the more conservative Republican Party, but this effect depends on social status. There is no evidence that daughters promote liberal views of women and less consistent evidence that they influence views of abortion or teen sex. Overall, evidence supports the Trivers‐Willard hypothesis, but with a more complex interaction by social status.     

An investigation of youths' attributions for unemployment and their political attitudes

This study investigated some hypotheses concerning the determinants of attributions for unemployment and the psychological consequences of unemployment in a randomly selected sample of 204 male school leavers. There was weak evidence for the hypothesis that the unemployed make more external attributions for unemployment, but none showing them to make less internal attributions. There was weak evidence that political party preference was related to internal and external attributions, and stronger evidence that a general tendency to see life as determined by chance was linked to external attributions. The unemployed were found to be more likely to support violent political action, to support the Labour Party, and to believe chance controlled their lives. Finally, external attributions were seen as more important than internal ones by all respondents. The results suggest that other factors, e.g. the mass media, may be influential in determining the nature of attributions and this is interpreted in the context of Moscovici's social representation theory.     

Issues of Gender in Promoting Tolerance for Homosexuality

Although a recent review suggests that students' attitudes toward homosexuality change as a result of taking a human sexuality course, research in this area has not adequately addressed the issues of gender of target and gender of respondent. Attitude measures rarely distinguish between lesbians and gay men; respondents are expected to hold more negative attitudes toward homosexuals of their own sex; and women are expected to be more readily influenced in some situations. This study shows that women and men did not differ significantly in their attitudes toward lesbians and gay men, but attitudes toward lesbians were more easily changed than attitudes toward gay men regardless of the gender of the respondent.     

Sex Differences in the Characteristics of Members Lost to a Longitudinal Panel: A Speculative Research Note

A nine-year follow-up of former adolescents reveals sex differencesin the relative deviance and drug involvement of individualslost to the panel in young adulthood. As expected, men who werereinterviewed were less deviant than the noninterviewed, whilethe opposite was observed among women. Specification by raceindicates that the female pattern applies especially to nonwhites,but all women who are reinterviewed, irrespective of race, areno less deviant than the nonreinterviewed. The paradoxical findingfor females may result from changing marital status in thatparticular period of the life cycle and an inverse relationshipbetween delinquency and marriage.     

Young women in a male periphery — Experiences from the Scandinavian north

This paper deals with the migration of young women from rural areas in northern Scandinavia. The way from adolescence to adulthood is discussed and the notion of a male periphery is presented. An attempt is made to shift focus in studies of rural youth migration. The emphasis here is on the socially constructed space that the young women leave. Is one reason behind the rural migration pattern to be found in the male periphery? The periphery is dominated by male economic and leisure activities. Women in the rural areas are less visible, and their activities are not as valued as the male activities. Young men tend to follow in the footstep of their fathers, while young rural women break with the mothers on their life paths. There are few modern role models for the daughters in the periphery. A study of young women and men in Troms county in northern Norway is used to illustrate the women's paths from adolescence to adult life. Young women in rural Troms do, to a much larger extent than the young rural men, take higher education. They have ambitions of highly qualified jobs, either in towns or in their home localities. The young rural women break new ground by continuing in higher education. The young men run the risk of being left behind as losers.     

Are Women Really More ”Ameteur” in Politics Than Men?

This paper examines political style among male and female party elites. Previous research primarily from convention delegates to the 1972 nominating conventions has indicated that women tend to be more "amateur" in style than men, while studies drawn from other years have produced null findings. We attempt to reconcile this literature by examining data from party elites in office in 1980 and comparing two alternative explanations of a more amateur style among women. No consistent differences were found in amateur and professional styles, suggesting that the 1972 findings were a function of the particular circumstances of that year.     

When Women are Right: THE INFLUENCE OF GENDER,WORK AND VALUES ON EUROPEAN FAR-RIGHT PARTY SUPPORT

Far-right political party support in Western Europe has been examined primarily in terms of the men who constitute the majority of party membership. However, few have examined why women are less likely than men to be drawn to these movements. This article attempts to bridge the quantitative–qualitative divide and assess what brings women to support the far right. Looking at five European countries using the 1999–2002 World Values Survey, results indicate that men have a slightly higher propensity to vote for the far right. This gender gap cannot be explained by value differences, but is partially a result of differences in men's and women's occupational location. Thus, this article provides some support to Mayer's contention that women's support of the far right is largely to do with their being less likely than men to be employed in blue-collar work.     

Do Candidates Run as Women and Men or Democrats and Republicans? The Impact of Party and Sex on Issue Campaigns

Previous work on the campaigns of women and men has tried to identify whether these candidates campaign for office by focusing on or downplaying gender-stereotyped issues and personality traits. We continue that investigation with a unique data set that uses all campaign advertisements created by almost 400 candidates for Congress in 2010. In examining whether candidate sex or political party identification are the primary influences on the issues candidates present to voters, we determine that all candidates, women and men, campaign as strategic politicians, crafting campaigns around the issues of the day and adopting partisan perspectives on those issues. We find no evidence that women or men attempt to “play to” gender stereotypes in their advertisements.     

Citizenship beyond politics: the importance of political,civil and social rights and responsibilities among women and men1

Previous research has suggested that men are more engaged as citizens than are women. Yet, little is known about gender cleavages across a variety of citizenship norms. To what extent do men and women define citizenship differently? To address that question, this study examines the importance men and women assign various citizenship rights and responsibilities using 2004 ISSP data from 18 Western, industrialized nations. Using a disaggregated approach to understanding definitions of citizenship, we examine political, civil, and social rights and responsibilities. After controlling for a variety of demographic and attitudinal influences, we find that men and women are not different in their views regarding the importance of political responsibilities. However, women do view political rights as significantly more important than do men. Further, in comparison to men, women view both civil and social responsibilities and rights domains as significantly more important.