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1.
ABSTRACT

While women are underrepresented in many political institutions and leadership positions, nearly half of state supreme court chief justices are women. Is there something about the role of state supreme court justice that facilitates the recruitment of women to this important political position? We examine whether the selection of a woman chief is driven by the court’s institutional need for women’s leadership style or simply the supply of qualified justices. We find that ideological diversity drives demand for a woman chief. A supply of experienced women justices also has a significant impact on likelihood of selection.  相似文献   

2.
SUMMARY

Political scientists have, in recent years, uncovered substantial evidence that political representation in the United States is influenced by gender and race, yet generally examine the effects of gender entirely separate from the effects of race. In this article, we explore the agenda-setting behavior of African American female state legislators. We find that African American women do respond to both women's interests and black interests. We also find that while the sponsorship of black interest measures by African American women (or other legislators) is not influenced by the proportion of African Americans within the chamber, African American women are less likely to sponsor women's interest measures in legislatures with a relatively high proportion of women present. We conclude that because of their focus on multiple groups, black women occupy a unique place in representation, and that their choices are influenced by the institutional context in which they work.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

Using a four state survey of party county chairs and locally elected women, this study finds support for the notion that potential women candidates are subject to bias in recruitment that hinders the cause of electing more women to state legislatures and Congress. It is hypothesized that bias is most likely due to one of two processes: one, the outgroup effect where negative evaluations of women as candidates are predicated on their lack of surface similarity to the predominantly male party elite, or two, the distribution effect where negative evaluations of women as candidates are predicated on the relative paucity of women in high status positions generally and politics specifically. Strong support was found for the outgroup effect, as party chairs consistently preferred candidates more like themselves. Given the ubiquity of men in the party elite, such outgroup biased attitudes represent a significant hurdle for prospective women candidates.  相似文献   

4.
Abstract

This article reviews the women and politics literature on gender and the American judiciary. Specifically, it explores what we know about the behavior of women on the bench: Do women judges behave differently than their male counterparts, or do they blend in and conform to existing norms and institutional cultures? The research in this area largely has gone in two directions. First, there appears to be a great deal of consensus in the literature that in sex-discrimination cases, women judges are more supportive of women's claims than men judges, regardless of their ideology. Second, there is much less consensus over whether or not women employ different methods of reasoning, such as a “difference” jurisprudence.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

This paper presents the results of a qualitative, exploratory study of Native American women who served as organizational leaders in human service, educational and health-related agencies. Data were collected through interviews with 13 women. Findings include effects of gender and culture on leadership; motivations to act in a leadership position; challenges to successful leadership; and personal and organizational support to the leadership role.  相似文献   

6.
7.
Abstract

Contrary to research from the 1970s, evidence since the 1980s suggests that women candidates compete evenly for campaign funds with male candidates. The existing evidence is less complete at the state legislative level than it is in congressional elections. The data presented here draw upon the campaign finance reports of state legislative candidates from three states from 1982 to 1990. The results suggest that women candidates usually raise more than similarly situated male candidates, but this does not result in an actual advantage because their male opponents also raise more than other male candidates. The patterns over time do not indicate that women candidates gained parity with male candidates during the 1980s but rather began that decade equal to men in campaign finance.  相似文献   

8.
ABSTRACT

Working part-time can potentially be a great means of reducing work-life conflict for parents of young children. However, research has not univocally found this attenuating relation, suggesting it may not be universal, but rather contingent on other factors. This study investigates whether the relation between part-time work and work-life conflict is contingent on workplace support and gender. Results show that short part-time work (<25?h) relates to lower levels of work-life conflict for both women and men. We find some evidence that workplace support affects this relation: short part-time working women in an organization with a family supportive organizational culture had lower levels of work-life conflict than short part-time working women in organizations with an unsupportive organizational culture. For men working short part-time we find tendencies in the same direction, although this falls short of conventional statistical significance. In addition, long part-time work (25–35?h) is not significantly related to (lower) work-life conflict for either women or men. In line with previous research, managerial support is found to be linked to lower levels of work-life conflict, irrespective of whether one works full-time or part-time. Notably, the relation between working part-time and work-life conflict does not differ for mothers and fathers, suggesting that this work-family policy could help both men and women reduce work-life conflict.  相似文献   

9.
ABSTRACT

Few have studied differences between how women and men lead, particularly at the local level. This article addresses this gap by reporting the results of a unique study of 192 female mayors and 192 male mayors in cities with populations of over 30,000 to consider whether the female mayors emphasized different policy issues and whether the women in local leadership created alternative decision-making processes in allocating resources. Overall, the results show similarities on policy issues, the use of power, and budget issues. However, some key gender differences emerge. Female mayors were far more willing to change the budget process, be more inclusive, and seek broader participation. Finally, more women mayors than men were willing to admit fiscal problems and discuss changes in their goals. Women mayors were also more likely than their male counterparts to believe that women face gender-based obstacles in the exercise of leadership.  相似文献   

10.
11.
Men Who Cheer     
Abstract

This study examines the maintenance of gender and sexuality within a female-dominated sport, focusing specifically on men who cheer. Data were collected at a northeastern Ohio university using focus group discussions and one-on-one interviews. The interviews and discussions provided themes regarding stigmatization of male cheerleaders, the need to project a heterosexual image, and methods of saving face. Findings indicate that the gender and sexuality of men who cheer are called into question. In order to affirm their gender and sexuality as masculine and heterosexual, the men engage in behavior that sexualizes women and desexualizes their relationships with men. Overall, the findings demonstrate how the patriarchal superstructure manifests in smaller institutions in society. Implications of these findings and areas of future research are further addressed within the study.  相似文献   

12.
This article examines the effects of gender on the leadership of bilateral development aid agencies, particularly their official development assistance (ODA) allocations toward gender‐related programming. Drawing on earlier research on gendered leadership, the article tests the hypothesis that female director generals (DGs) and ministers responsible for aid agencies will allocate more ODA than their male counterparts toward gender programming. This existing literature on gendered leadership is divided: some scholars argue that women and men have distinct leadership styles on account of their gender, while others argue that the only distinguishing factor is the institutional context in which they lead. Drawing on data collected on aid flows and agency leadership within the major Western aid donors of the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) over the period from 1995 through 2009, we use pooled time series analysis to examine the effects of gendered leadership on aid allocation. Our analysis reveals a tendency for female DGs and ministers to focus ODA on gender‐mainstreaming programs, while male DGs focus ODA on gender‐focused programs. We argue that these divergent priorities reflect the women's desire to reform gendered power structures within their respective aid agencies, and the men's desire to maintain existing gender power structures from which they benefit.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

A qualitative study of disabled and non-disabled professionals and survivors of abuse revealed a range of types of abuse endured by disabled women, some of which were unique to that population. Two major themes emerged from data analysis: vulnerable beginnings and complexity of abuse. Three sub-themes are encompassed within complexity of abuse: active abuse, abuse through image, and contextual abuse by social service/legislative systems. The authors present data essential to an informed assessment and analysis of abuse that considers the person-in-environment circumstances of women with disabilities. Implications for future research and the human behavior in the social environment curriculum are discussed.  相似文献   

14.
The purpose of this study is to examine how organizational resources affect the gender gap within lay (volunteer) leadership in religious congregations. Using institutional theory as a framework, this study situates congregations within a larger field of organizations competing for legitimacy. Congregations with higher levels of resources—such as wealthier members, better-educated members, or larger memberships—are more likely to be connected to the core of the field and therefore more likely to have gender egalitarian practices in order to signal their legitimacy. Therefore, I hypothesize that women in resource-rich congregations will have greater access to volunteer leadership positions than women in congregations that are resource deficient. I analyze 70,942 individuals in 344 religious congregations from the 2001 U.S. Congregational Life Survey using multilevel modeling. I show that religious congregations with more members, better-educated attenders, and wealthier attenders have smaller gender gaps in volunteer leadership positions. Congregational resources can mitigate the gender gap in lay leadership, and women within resource-rich organizations have greater access to positions of authority.  相似文献   

15.
We study how reciprocity affects the extent to which a chair can exploit her control over an agenda if a committee votes sequentially on a known series of binary proposals. We show in a parsimonious laboratory experiment that committee members form vote trading coalitions favoring early proposals not only when the sequence of proposals is exogenously given, but also when a chair controls the sequence of proposals. Vote trading occurs even though chairs manipulate the agenda in their favor. Punishment for chairs exploiting agenda control is weak as chairs reciprocate support by others more frequently than nonchairs. (JEL C92, D71, D72)  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

The roll-call voting tools most frequently used by legislative scholars are not equally useful for all. Roll-call votes selected for traditional measurement tools systematically exclude issues determined to be important to women legislators. Those who study women in politics are unable to employ roll-call voting tools with the assurance that they are using valid measures for their research. After analyzing the content of widely used voting tools and discovering that votes from controversial bills of interest to women were often excluded, I outline suggestions for employing alternative methodological approaches. Further, I add to a growing criticism of roll-call voting statistics by identifying another limitation to their use.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

Although research has shown that conflicting expectations exist in the marital role for women, little is known about the impact of this conflict on female psychological well-being. This study empirically investigates the relationship between conflicting husband and wife sex role expectations for the female role and depressive symptoms in married women. Based on a community sample of 273 married women, it was found that women who indicate that a conflict in sex role expectations exists in their marriage report more symptoms of depression than married women who do not indicate such a discrepancy in sex role expectations. The effects of this relationship were found to be stronger for housewives than for women who are employed outside the home.  相似文献   

18.
SUMMARY

In this article we examine the patterns of gendered representation and related legislative advocacy within Latino delegations to four state legislatures in the Southwest. Most agree that one of the most significant changes in American politics in the post-civil rights era is the increasing election of women and people of color, but there is less agreement about the magnitude, consistency, and impact of this representation. Moreover, little is known about how these patterns vary by state. First, we examine the patterns of gendered and ethnic election in the states of Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas from 1990–2004. We find considerable variation across these states, relative to both women and Latinos, but the presence of Latinas within the Latino/a delegation has noticeably increased across all the states and at a rate that outpaces the increase in women in the legislatures overall. Second, using original survey data supplemented with elite interviews, we explore perceived differences in the representational priorities and related behaviors, issue agendas, and policy successes between Latinas and Latino men. We find a number of similarities but also find distinct differences that reveal Latinas place greater emphasis on representing the interests of multiple minority groups, promoting conflict resolution, and building consensus in both the legislature as a whole and within the Latino caucus. Latinas also are more likely than Latino men to introduce and successfully pass legislation that addresses the issue agenda held by both Latina and Latino legislators.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

This article examines the limits of national discussions on gender equality in Rwanda from the perspectives of disabled young women. Based on 16 in-depth interviews and three focus group interviews with disabled Rwandan young women, this article points out that the barriers to gender equality are interpersonal and institutional. The empirical analysis reveals that gender biases at Rwanda’s largest inclusive secondary school are reinforced by wider cultural and religious norms, which endorse the subordination of disabled girls and young women in school. The study suggests that the equality rhetoric/reality gap will remain in Rwandan schools and society if the wider cultural and religious institutions are not examined and transformed.  相似文献   

20.
Using expectancy theory as a framework, we use focus group and climate survey (N = 114) data from a midsize university to explore the gendered nature of university service work among science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) faculty. Focus group data highlighted the divergent perceptions of STEM faculty women and department chairs about the importance of service work and its outcomes. Climate survey data indicated that STEM women faculty were more likely than men to perceive injustice in service loads, and perceived injustice was associated with reduced job satisfaction, and increased scholarly isolation, interpersonal workplace conflict, and job stress, regardless of gender.  相似文献   

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