Black-White Differences in Attitudes toward Homosexuality and Gay Rights

Black homophobia has been cited as a contributing factor inslowing mobilization against AIDS in the African-American community,as an obstacle to black lesbians and gay men in coming to termswith their sexuality, and as a challenge to the legitimacy ofthe gay rights movement. Yet evidence that blacks are more homophobicthan whites is quite limited. This article uses responses fromalmost seven thousand blacks and forty-three thousand whitesin 31 surveys conducted since 1973 to give more definitive answerson black-white attitudinal differences and their demographicroots. Despite their greater disapproval of homosexuality, blacks'opinions on sodomy laws, gay civil liberties, and employmentdiscrimination are quite similar to whites' opinions, and AfricanAmericans are more likely to support laws prohibiting antigaydiscrimination. Once religious and educational differences arecontrolled, blacks remain more disapproving of homosexualitybut are moderately more supportive of gay civil liberties andmarkedly more opposed to antigay employment discrimination thanare whites. Yet religion, education, gender, and age all haveweaker impacts on black than on white attitudes, suggestingthat black and white attitudes have different roots.     

Race, Gender, and Opinion Toward Black and Female Presidential Candidates

Using data from the 1974 and 1978 General Social Surveys, publicopinion toward blacks and women as presidential candidates wasexplored. We tested the hypotheses that white males would beleast likely to support presidential candidates from both groups,while black females would be the most likely to express thissupport. We found that although blacks in general were moresupportive of black candidacies than were whites, women werenot consistently more supportive of female candidates. Whileblack women were more likely than black males to support femalecandidates, among whites few gender differences were found.     

Poverty and health: older minority women and the rise of the female-headed household

This analysis uses the 1984 Survey on Aging (SOA) supplement to the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) to compare the relative impacts of poverty and health on the propensity of unmarried older black, Hispanic, and non-Hispanic white women to live with family. The results reveal that for blacks and Hispanics, economics are more significant than health in determining whether a woman lives with her children. Our findings also show that black unmarried elderly females are more likely than similar non-Hispanic white women to head their households. The literature and our findings suggest that black and Hispanic older women have fewer options in living arrangements than non-Hispanic older women in the event of diminished health.     

The Limits of Black Politics in the Post–Civil Rights Era

Pluralist theorists have long contended that to exercise power and influence in the American political system, blacks should come together like any other organized interest group, form coalitions with other like-minded people (white liberals), and advocate for policy reforms. Beginning during the “Black Power” era, the goal of putting black faces in high places to help address black concerns became a driving force in black politics. The deteriorating social and economic status of many in the black community, however, has not been prevented by either the political incorporation of more than 11,000 black elected officials or even the election of the nation’s first black president. This article will show how the inherent limitations of the pluralist interest-group strategy and a growing white backlash fueled by an awareness of changing demographics in the country has spawned an economic and political crisis in black America.     

Race,Sex, and Perception of the Occupational Opportunity Structure among College Students*

Questionnaires were administered to 70 black female, 75 black male, 1,457 white female and 1,429 white male university freshmen. In order to test three alternative theories regarding perceptions of discrimination, analyses of variance related sex, race, and SES to total scores of perceived occupational discrimination against blacks (BDST) and against women (WDST). Blacks perceived significantly more discrimination against black people than did whites; neither sex nor SES differentialed scores on BDST. Black females and white males perceived significantly more discrimination against women than did white females; black females had the highest and white females the lowest WDST scores. A discriminant analysis on white females indicated that high WDST scorers were characterized by an “underdog syndrome” whereas low WDST scorers held internal, individualistic values. The findings indicated the greatest support for the formulation that differential anticipatory socialization into the role of “a person who is discriminated against” characterized white females who perceived more or less discrimination against women.     

Race,Region, and Earnings: Blacks and Whites in the South

Abstract Using data from the 1980 Public-Use Micro Sample (PUMS) A-file, we examine the effect of region on black and white earnings within the Black Belt and the rest of the South. We find that Black Belt residence depresses earnings for both blacks and whites, more or less equally. There was no support for the hypothesis that there would be a greater penalty to being black in the Black Belt, compared to being black in the non-Black Belt South. It is the additive effects of race and region that lead to lower earnings for Black Belt blacks. We conclude that region is a useful theoretical concept which needs to be more adequately theorized and incorporated into sociological analyses.     

Age-Condensed and Age-Gapped Families

ABSTRACT

Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey, Mature Women's Cohort, this study found that not only is a sizable minority of mature women likely to reside with their aging parents and relatives in any given survey year, but that this trend increases over time. Unexpectedly, black women were found to be more likely than white women to reside in age-gapped families, signifying that they were more likely than white women to delay childbirth. Black women also were found to have greater frequencies and prevalence of residing in intergenerational families than white women. This pattern indicated, by extension, that intergenerational responsibilities might be a greater factor contributing to delayed childbirth for black women than was the case for white women. As expected, few aging parents or relatives were found in age-condensed families. The presence of grandchildren, rather than a respondent's own children, apparently accounted for this finding. This pattern suggested that, for maturing women who had been teenage mothers, the flow of intergenerational responsibilities proceeds more extensively in the direction of subsequent generations rather than toward previous generations.     

Trends in the Race and Ethnicity of Eminent Americans

During the last several decades, the ethnic and racial composition of the American elite has changed to include some ethnic minorities and women. This study examines changes in the composition of one segment of the American elite: those who have obtained eminence in their occupations. Lieberson and Carter's study of the ethnic composition of eminent Americans, using Who's Who in America, is replicated with data from the 1990s (Lieberson and Carter, 1979, American Sociological Review 44:347–366). In addition, comparisons between blacks listed in Who's Who in America and blacks listed only in Who's Who among Black Americans are made. During the 20 years since Lieberson and Carter's study, Jews have made remarkable gains in eminent membership, while the rate of black representation has increased only moderately. Women are a small percentage of the eminent regardless of ethnicity, although black women are better represented than their counterparts in white ethnic groups.     

Structural and Contextual Factors Regarding the Accessibility of Elective Office for Women of Color at the Local Level

Different from the majority of past research on gender gaps in political officeholding, we adopt an intersectionality framework and move beyond traditional individual factors to explore what implications certain elements in the political opportunity structure may have for women and men of color elected officials serving in county, municipal, and local school board offices. We argue that structural and contextual factors, such as type of institutions, election systems, and jurisdictional racial makeup, may influence the calculations women of color make concerning the accessibility of elective office. Using data from the Gender and Multiracial Leadership (GMCL) project, we find county offices to be the least, and seats on school boards the most, accessible to women of color. Of the types of electoral arrangements, we find multimember districts (MMD) to be the most significant variable predicting the likelihood of women of color in office. Although both Black and Latina women benefit from having a significant share of coethnics or nonwhites in jurisdictions, the two groups of women have an opposite relationship to their racial constituent makeup than that held by their male counterparts.     

Returning to school after marriage: Results for whites and blacks

We investigate the impact of various family background, socioeconomic, and life-course factors on the likelihood of white and black women returning to school after marriage. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of the High School Class of 1972, results indicate the following: (a) many married women return to two-year schools rather than four-year schools, (b) blacks are more likely than whites to return to school after marriage, (c) fewer measured predictors are significant in models for blacks and for two-year schools, and (d) changing life-course position affects the likelihood of returning to school.     

Women bankers in black and white: exploring raced,classed and gendered coalitions

ABSTRACT

Black women constitute the majority of the population but they lag significantly behind white women and other groups in their participation in the labour market. Intersectionality requires that we recognise the differences in experience between black women and white women. This is not for the purposes of what some have called the “oppression Olympics” but to research the stratifications of social asymmetries in a manner that allows for an understanding of the complexity of inequality. Based on interview data and observations, we use employment equity discourses to explore the differential positions of black women and white women managers in a major bank’s headquarters in Johannesburg, South Africa. A historical analysis of black women and white women’s experience illustrates the systemic and institutional aspects of intersectionality as well as the difficulties in forming coalitions between black women and white women. In the final analysis we argue that the mutual advancement of women requires historicisation and renewed commitment to partnerships to eradicate sexism and racism.     

CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF LAYOFFS

Using probit analysis, this article finds that differential treatment accounts for a substantial portion of the higher layoff rates of blacks in comparison to whites. However, women are found to be considerably less prone to layoffs than men with similar characteristics. Among those who obtained subsequent employment (taking into account the possible selectivity bias in such a subsample), white males are hurt more by layoffs than black males in terms of both short-term and long-term earnings growth; women's earnings are not necessarily affected by layoff at all. However, whites and males are found to be more likely to be reemployed than blacks and females, respectively.     

Race and gender differences in the distribution of home and community-based services in Florida

This article examines the distribution of home and community-based services (HCBS) under Florida's Medicaid waiver program. Controlling for personal and community characteristics, it was found that gender and race significantly affect the access of the disabled adult population to HCBS services, with women and nonwhites significantly more likely to be receiving HCBS services. At the county level, the likelihood of one's being in the waiver program is contingent on the racial composition and level of segregation of the county. People residing in counties with substantial proportions of nonwhites are less likely to receive HCBS services--whatever their race. However, the higher the rate of racial segregation in the county, the higher the probability that the Medicaid disabled adult population will receive HCBS services. The Medicaid waiver program allows older, disabled black women to remain in their home neighborhoods rather than having to move to predominantly white areas where nursing homes are concentrated. Thus, the HCBS program not only provides them with a form of care that is preferred by most older people but also resolves market problems stemming from the lack of nursing homes in segregated areas by taking advantage of support systems in black households.     

Conceptions of Art Ownership as a Form of Wealth Accumulation Among the Black Middle-Class

While there is a rich sociological tradition of analyzing the consumption of middle-class blacks, theory and research have overwhelmingly conceptualized middle-class blacks as conspicuous consumers. This paper develops an alternative theoretical approach to black middle-class consumption. Using the case of art ownership, I elaborate how middle-class blacks understand consumption as a practice that maintains and reinforces their class position by building wealth. Drawing on 103 in-depth interviews with black middle-class consumers of visual art, I illustrate how middle-class blacks view art as an economic asset and consider investment potential when they purchase art. I also document how middle-class blacks view art as a source of wealth that can be transferred across generations. Theory which accounts for black middle-class consumption from the perspective of wealth building is critical given long-standing arguments that middle-class blacks are a group whose frivolous and status-driven consumption jeopardizes their accumulation of wealth. The theoretical approach outlined in this paper illustrates how middle-class blacks approach consumption with an eye to solidifying their economic position.     

Black process in clinically depressed women: A conceptual framework for practice

Summary Emphasis throughout this paper has been placed on the importance of viewing black patients in their current social context. The positive impact of the Black Power movement has been observed in black patients who are involved in issues of black separatism and activism. Bennett's four stages of black process provide a means of identifying the position of individual blacks in terms of racial identity. Since relationships with whites are highly determined by the black patient's stage of black process, use of this conceptual frame work will assist the therapist in determining the indirect way in which black patients express racial issues.The author's experience has confirmed the existence and importance of two problem areas: the longer time needed to establish a therapeutic alliance in interracial work and the lack of knowledge of the black experience and culture in the white professional. The knowledge that additional time must be expended by both therapy partners must raise questions about the ethics of interracial practice and the need for more black mental health professionals. The second area of concern, the white professional's lack of knowledge, could be remedied. The fact that whites have not attempted to learn more about the black culture suggests the problem is a philosophical one. Liberal professionals are generally committed to the ideal of a truly integrated society where there are no differences among people. Black people appear to be telling us that they are different from whites here and now, and they like the difference.Supported by U.S.P.H.S. Grant # MH 15650 and MH 17728 from the National Institute of Mental Health, U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare     

Black/White Differences in Job Shift Behavior: A Dynamic Analysis*

This study investigates one mechanism through which black/white differences in returns to resources occur through time—job shifts. The results show that whites change jobs more often than blacks, move upward more often than blacks, and compete for higher levels of rewards more often than blacks. Whites are more likely to move within firms and across firms than blacks. However, the results show that whites do not always receive greater returns to resources as determinants of job shifts. Whites do receive greater returns to education in interfirm shifts in prestige than blacks. However, blacks receive equal or greater returns to education and firm-specific resources in intrafirm shifts in prestige and wage than whites.     

Trends and incidence of childlessness by race: indicators of black progress over three decades

Patterns in childlessness rates for blacks and whites in the U.S. from 1950-1972 were examined using 1940, 1950, and 1960 census data and data from Current Population Reports for 1969 and 1972. Among ever married women, aged 15-49, the proportion of childless black women declined from 29.1%-13.6% from 1940-1972, while the porportion of childless white women declined from 22.9%-14.3% from 1940-1969 and then increased slightly to 15.6% in 1972. The decline in childlessness observed for both blacks and whites during this period was attributable, at least in part, to improved medical care. When age specific rates were examined 2 diverse patterns emerged. For females, aged 15-24, childlessness rates for blacks were lower than for whites throughout 1940-1972, and the differences between blacks and whites increased over time. However, for females, aged 30-39, childlessness rates were higher for blacks than for whites throughout 1940-1972, and the gap between white and black rates decreased over time. In general the data demonstrated a convergence in childlessness patterns for blacks and whites. Childlessness rates were viewed as an indication of social integration. Childlessness is not a norm in American society. The general decline in childless rates among blacks and especially among blacks over 30 years of age indicated that the wider society was serving as a reference group for blacks. Among blacks under 25 years convergence was less apparent and indicated that younger black women were less integrated into the larger society than older black women. On the basis of recent trends it was predicted that convergence between black and white childlessness patterns would continue; however, in view of the upturn in the childlessness rate observed for whites since 1969, it was expected that the childlessness rates for both blacks and whites would increase somewhat in the coming years.     

Racial differences in infant mortality rates: United States, 1969

Using multiple regression analyses, we measured the effects of demographic, health, and socioeconomic variables on race-specific neonatal and postneonatal infant mortality rates. The racial difference in rates in 1969 is due to (1) effects of mean differences in black and white population characteristics, (2) differences in the impact of independent variables, and (3) differences from other causes. Higher black than white infant mortality is the result of unfavorable black means on birthweight, age of mothers at birth, education, and marital stability. Black mortality is also higher because mothers' age at birth, marital stability, and education have more favorable impact on mortality for whites than blacks.     

PERSPECTIVES OF INTERRACIAL DATING AT A PREDOMINANTLY WHITE UNIVERSITY

This study examined the viewpoints and experiences of college students with regard to interracial dating. Thirty-five black students and 35 white students in attendance at a predominantly white university participated in face-to-face interviews. Black men and white women expressed more favorable attitudes toward interracial dating compared with black women and white men. Some white females downplayed the significance of interracial relationships, going so far as to suggest it is a nonissue, apparently unaware that it is an issue of concern to many students, especially black females. The concept of white privilege is discussed as an explanation for white students' perspectives. Students who dated interracially faced social consequences, including negative reactions from peers and family members. Findings reveal that the dating landscape differs for students based on their race and gender. In particular, the dating pool appears to be limited for black females at the institution under study.     

“Anchoring” white community: White women activists and the politics of public schools

This article discusses the political clout wielded by a group of white women who participate in “Presidents’ Committee,” an organization of Parents Association presidents in a New York City Community School District. The school district, like many urban areas, is experiencing an exodus of white families to the suburbs, which are seen as offering better resources and a safe social distance from blacks and other non‐whites. In this context of social change, white mothers who participate in Presidents’ Committee push at gender boundaries in the public sphere by professionalizing motherhood and watching over potentially corrupt political practices. At the same time, their activism can be understood as a key component of local efforts to reproduce “white” community. Through this ethnographic analysis, “whiteness” is unpacked as a construct that is fractured by gender, class, and place of origin, while remaining a resilient idealized resource with which to reproduce a black/white racial binary.