Legitimation,Consent, and Antifeminism

Antifeminists have developed a legitimation theory that justifies, informs, and enhances their politics. Whereas early American conservatives opposed consent theory because it justified political equality, contemporary antifeminists have adopted and adapted consent theory to articulate and promote different rights and responsibilities for women and men. This article traces the history of consent theory in sexual politics. It suggests that the social contract philosophers and the Founding Fathers systematically excluded women from consent. Early American feminists adopted consent theory to legitimate political equality between the sexes only to discover that political equality stopped far short of gender equality. The innovation of the antifeminists today lies in their use of consent theory to justify the political inclusion of women in politics in order to legitimate their subordination in the social realm.     

Interacting with the State: Feminist Strategies and Political Opportunities

In recent years feminists have been engaged in new debates about gender and the state. Instead of adopting either a purely structural or agential approach, the emphasis in these debates is on the interactive relationship between the two. Feminists in political science have not been immune to this trend. Work is emerging in this field which dissaggregates the state to consider the way different political institutions shape and are shaped by engagement with feminist actors. This article contributes to these efforts by providing a detailed comparative analysis of feminist strategies and political opportunities in two similar political systems - Australia and Canada. A number of key points emerge from this study. First, similar institutions in different countries provide varying opportunities for feminists. As a result, it is not possible to make emphatic claims about certain institutions being more or less beneficial for feminists. Second, feminists respond to these opportunities by adopting certain strategies over others. Through these strategies, feminists can have a direct bearing on the opportunity structure open to them. What the experiences of Canadian and Australian feminists tell us is that the relationship between feminists and political institutions changes over both time and place; that it is interactive and dynamic, rather than predictable and permanent.     

Swedish Feminism, 1835–1945: A Conservative Revolution

Abstract Analysis of the early Swedish women's movement shows that its accomplishments were shaped more by structural and political changes under way in Sweden at the time, than by specific feminist demands. My claim is that the gains of Swedish feminists largely accrued from efforts on the part of political state leaders to incorporate women as a constituent group during a period of increasing class conflict. Many of the Swedish social reforms which promoted gender equality were derived from the goals of politicians to modulate class tensions and increase their political base of support. This helps account for the fact that the gains won, while considerable, often had little to do with the project of the feminist movement.     

The F Word: College Students' Definitions of a Feminist

Research indicates that most people espouse feminist ideologies, yet very few self-identify as feminists. This article examines the discrepancy between agreement with feminist principles and lack of identification with feminism by analyzing 270 female and male college students' definitions of feminists. We explored similarities and differences in definitions provided by self-identified feminists and nonfeminists. The results indicate that feminists and nonfeminists are equally likely to define a feminist as one who actively promotes gender equality in society and, less commonly, rejects traditional gender roles and burns bras. Feminists were more likely to define a feminist as one who supports gender equality, is female, and has positive personal characteristics. Nonfeminists were more likely to define a feminist as one who supports female superiority, dislikes men, discriminates based on gender, has negative personal characteristics, and is lesbian or butch. These results are discussed in the broader contexts of feminist identity and movement mobilization.     

Diversity and equality: Race and class in America

Discussions of diversity, multiculturalism, and democracy often neglect the historical and structural economic and political inequalities embedded in these racial/ethnic/cultural differences among peoples in America. In this article we present a historical materialist analysis of African Americans and other oppressed peoples within the context of capitalist development. The current period of the electronic revolution and the labor displacing technology of the postindustrial era is creating the conditions for the erosion of the reform based social contract, and for heightened degrees of economic and political polarization, often expressed as racial polarization. At the same time, the abundance created by the high technology revolution contains the possibility of realizing equality and democracy for African Americans and for all of the American peoples.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1992 annual meetings of the American Sociological Association in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.     

Why the personal remained political: comparing second and third wave perspectives on everyday feminism

Everyday feminist practices are located in the personal lives of feminists, therefore, third wave feminists frequently use the slogan the personal is political to emphasise the political value of such practices. Often, second wave feminists do not agree with this interpretation of the famous feminist catchphrase, which initially meant to call for collective political responses to personal experiences of gender inequalities. This article investigates this dispute that is symbolic of the broader relationship between second and third wave feminism. It compares both perspectives on everyday feminism by relating arguments for and against the political value of everyday feminism to empirical findings of a qualitative study. Based on 40 interviews with second and third wave feminists in New Zealand, I argue that the dispute is based on a number of misunderstandings between the opposing perspectives. Disentangling those misunderstandings, I conclude that although everyday feminism as a manifestation of ‘the personal’ works towards ‘small’ political aims, it is a political practice.     

Peruvian Grassroots Organizations in Times of Violence and Peace. Between Economic Solidarity,Participatory Democracy,and Feminism

The new millennium has meant a new start for Peruvian society. After decades of political violence, economic crisis, and an internal war, democracy was restored, and economic growth resumed. The many grassroots organizations that had been established to address the economic and political crisis seem to have lost their initial raison d’être. Still, they have remained in operation to this very day. In this article, we analyze the history and continued presence of two types of urban grassroots organizations: the communal kitchens and the victim-survivor organizations. Our leading question is: what is the present-day rationale sustaining these grassroots organizations that originated as responses to the political and economic turmoil from the previous decades? As we will argue, insight into the values of economic solidarity, participatory democracy, and gender equality is important to better understand the organization’s continuity. They shed light on the organizations’ changing roles and diverging meanings that their members attribute to them. Nowadays, members see the organizations as a platform for self-expression.     

BOOK REVIEWS

The authors argue that promoting gender equality without simultaneously promoting changes in capitalist workplace organization and capitalist cultural values systems will likely result in the unintended consequence of less meaningful leisure for mature women of the future. The current problem of declining leisure for both men and women, but especially women, is described, analyzed, and projected to the future. Certain assumptions are made about societal forces: liberal reform feminists continue to alter the system of gender stratification, male advantage continues to decrease, and capitalism continues to develop. The authors use a Marxist‐feminist interpretation to help explain the structure and dynamics of the leisure problem.     

Citizen participation in neighborhood health centers for the poor: the politics of reform organizational change, 1965-77

Through a longitudinal study of neighborhood health centers for the poor in the United States, this paper presents an analysis of the political economy of change within reform organizations. In the final accounting, we seek to explain the shift in the role of poor people participating in health care decision making from that of program developer and change agent to the role of program restrictor. We conceptualize the neighborhood health center (NHC) as a reform organization whose initial objective was to use health care as a tool for achieving political and economic development within low-income rural and urban communities. The analysis, based on a prospective study of NHCs between 1965 and 1977, using interviews with citizen board members, NHC project administrators, NHC physicians, HEW decision elites, and oral history interviews with former Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) administrators and directors, exemplifies the generic social organizational problem of how social, political, economic, and ideological forces shape the emergence and performance of a new reform organization.     

Moderate feminism within or against the neoliberal university? The example of Athena SWAN

This article argues that gender equality programmes in universities and colleges may operate as a form of ‘moderate feminism’, producing contradictions through simultaneously providing a site of resistance and complicity for feminists. Our argument draws on a critical and empirical analysis of the Athena SWAN (Scientific Women's Academic Network) charter mark, which originated in the UK. We argue that Athena SWAN is a product of neoliberalization within the UK's academic environments, reflecting the tendency towards accountability, metrics and the performative ‘doing’ of equality work within this context. We problematize the operationalization and implementation of Athena SWAN processes in departments and universities, describing contradictions and caveats. Athena SWAN can lead to benefits and (limited) achievements in terms of culture change and institutional initiatives. However, the burden of undertaking this work predominantly falls upon women and other marginalized groups, such as people of colour and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people. Equality programmes such as Athena SWAN are often poorly designed to address complex issues, such as intersectional identities and discrimination experienced by self‐assessment team members. Nevertheless, we identify potential in utilizing Athena SWAN as a site of resistance and means to foster collective solidarity to work against neoliberal practices.     

ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE AND THE POLITICAL PROCESS: Movements, Corporations, and the State

I explore two questions in this article: (1) How has the role of the U.S. state in the political process changed vis‐à‐vis corporations? (2) What tactical repertoires have movements devised to confront this changing political process? Through the lens of the U.S. environmental movement, I find that (1) the state's policy‐making authority has weakened as corporations have become both policy makers and the new targets of challengers, (2) the environmental movement has devised organizing strategies–such as corporate‐community compacts or good neighbor agreements–to respond to and influence this new political process, and (3) those segments of the movement that ignore the political economic process are likely to meet with failure. These changes in the political economy constitute a challenge for the political process model. I therefore propose a “political economic process’ perspective to extend the political process model and more accurately capture these dynamics. The political economic process perspective evaluates four state‐centric assumptions of the political process model (the state as the primary movement target or vehicle of reform, the state policy‐making monopoly, capital as just another interest group, and the primacy of the nation‐state level of analysis) and demonstrates that the political economic process has changed in dramatic ways.     

The logic of social policy expansion in a neoliberal context: health insurance reform in Korea after the 1997 economic crisis

In the aftermath of the economic crisis of the late 1990s, the Korean government reformed health insurance system to enhance social equity and solidarity. This article identifies the institutional features and political dynamics involved in completing the reform. The Korean case suggests a model of counter-movement that differs from the historical experiences of both democratic corporatist and liberal welfare states. Two institutional conditions within the politics of crisis contributed to the reform. A legacy of limited state welfare was critical in providing the impetus for reforming health insurance system. More importantly, the crisis maximized the state’s coordination capacity by mobilizing a coherent bureaucracy under the presidential authority, and by limiting interest politics. The Korean experience has important implications for the study of economic crisis and social policy response. The way in which a crisis provides new contexts for welfare and policy making institutions, rather than the institutions themselves, should be the main focus in analyzing policy responses. The focus on the political dynamics of an economic crisis helps us acknowledge the limit of ideological forces of a crisis in facilitating a particular policy response.     

The Way we Were — and Will Be

When extremists, both feminists and anti-feminists, perpetrate the myth that equality means death to the family, women such as myself have a hard time working out what our real options are — and indeed what our real feelings are. Some choose to opt out of families; some choose to make a lot of money pursuing their own careers; some choose to travel the country lecturing women that they don't need equal rights, just husbands to support them. But the underlying reality is no different for the most committed feminists and the most vocal defenders of the traditional family.     

The Development and Challenges in Health Care Policy and Health Care Financing in Contemporary China

China’s market-oriented reform has had great success in the past few decades. Along with the rapid economic growth of the country, the economic development also influenced various aspects of China’s social, economical, and political life. Recent debate has criticized the overheated market reform in social provision, thus arguing for the return of government interventions. However, in the health care sector, it is inappropriate to attribute all distortions to market imperfection. It is rather the design of the health care system and the lack of government interventions in regulating the health care market that obstruct the functions of health care provision. To examine the proposed hypotheses, the paper focuses on China’s medical care provision, evaluating the actual performance of China’s medical care provision in the environment of economic transition from a multidimensional analysis, hence providing forward-looking suggestions for the design of China’s health care provision. Findings from this study indicate that government interventions are indispensable in regulating the health care market as well as ensuring health care delivery.      

A Brazilian pandemia/monium: A researcher’s search for a ‘New Normal’

This is the narrative of a Brazilian PhD candidate during the first four months of COVID‐19 in Brazil. Her trajectory and feelings are expressed in evocative autoethnographic format, juxtaposed with the main feminist debates and concerns taking place in Brazil during the pandemic. As scenario, an unprecedented worldwide sanitary crisis and local economic, political and social crises, challenging activists, feminists and the researcher herself in posing new questions to understand the world, her country and herself during/after crises. Her own feminist lenses cannot read ‘New Normal’ comfortably.     

When Feminists Don't Fit The Case of Pauline Hanson

The rise of the Far Right is a global phenomenon traditionally viewed as antithetical to feminism. However, in Australia from 1996–2001 Far Right politics was dominated by a woman, Pauline Hanson, thus calling into question the dynamics between organized feminism and the Far Right. A significant problem for Australian feminists trying to understand Hanson is that her ideology, activities and life-style are internally contradictory. This article draws on American analyses of similar women and examines the contradictions in Hanson's political philosophy and activism with a view to challenging current Australian feminist analysis of this controversial political woman.     

Ignoring rights is wrong: re-politicizing gender equality and development with the rights-based approach

Corporate sponsors and humanitarian organizations have joined popular authors and international institutions in bringing attention to gender inequality though “smart economics” and “investing in women.” These social marketing messages and donor strategies mimic arguments for gender equality from the 1970s and 1980s. Rather than building on the rights-based development and best practices of the 1990s, they ignore the critical roles of political capacity and participation that the past forty years and feminist analysis of development achievements and failures have taught us are essential to taking on gender and economic inequality. Certain trends in foreign aid accountability share this silence on the importance of political capacity. In contrast, the rights-based approach to gender equality and development (RBA) is a political approach to development. We reconcile the need for aid accountability with the need for a focus on politics by outlining key political processes of the rights-based approach. The RBA is a way of doing development that is attentive to process and power. We can use the RBA not just as a guide for how to do development, but also as a way to think about processes as outcome measures. The processes that the RBA requires are processes that build capacity for marginalized women and people.     

Effects of the social dominance orientation on environmental attitudes of Chilean university students / Efectos de la orientación a la dominancia social sobre las actitudes ambientales de universitarios chilenos

By adopting a multidimensional approach to environmental attitudes (apathy, anthropocentrism, connectedness and emotional affinity with nature), this study explores the relationships between these dimensions, social dominance orientation (SDO) and political orientation. Two hundred and sixty-two Chilean university students filled out an ad hoc online questionnaire. Two confirmatory factorial analyses showed the four typologies of environmental attitudes and the two factors for SDO, which are labelled group dominance and opposition to equality. Through hierarchical regressions, group dominance showed higher explanatory power of environmental attitudes than political orientation. Furthermore, using the bootstrap procedure we showed that group dominance mediated between political orientation and attitudes of apathy, anthropocentrism and connectedness, while opposition to equality mediated between apathy and emotional affinity. We conclude that SDO is an important variable for measuring political ideology while also providing new nuances when analysing the relationships with environmental attitudes.     

Conceptualising Generational Dynamics in Feminist Movements: Political Generations,Waves and Affective Economies

This article reviews efforts to account for dynamics of continuity, change and complexity in contemporary feminism, with a particular emphasis on the utility of the ‘generational paradigm’ of the wave metaphor. We draw on assessments of the wave classification from feminist historians, political theorists and social movement scholars to make a case for the concept of political generation as way to explore patterns of generational‐based contest and collaboration across the women's movement. While political generation allows for an assessment of the role of context in shaping the activist identities of feminists from different generations, it lacks the explanatory power to explain the continuing purchase of the wave metaphor and its function for feminist claims making. Here, we turn to work on the centrality of loss within the affective economies of feminism to explain the functions of the wave metaphor for different elements within women's movements. This analysis is grounded in a brief empirical case of the Irish women's movement characterised as highly fragmented and marked by generational dynamics.