Identity Politics Among Arab‐American Women*

Objective. Identity politics has dominated contemporary analyses of protest movements. Although multiple identities are commonplace, progress in delineating their empirical relationship has been slow. This article examines the relationships among ethnic and religious identities and feminist orientations among Arab‐American women, a group that bridges multiple cultural identities. The primary research question is whether ethnic and religious identities undermine feminism in this population or whether multiple identities are mutually supportive. Methods. Using data from a national mail survey of Arab‐American women, regression analyses examine the separate effects of various dimensions of ethnic and religious identity on women's feminist orientations. Results. Arab political identity is positively associated with feminism while religious and feminist identities are inversely related. The effects of ethnic cultural identity and Muslim affiliation are negligible. Conclusions. This study finds a complex pattern of relationships among multiple identities and underscores the underlying political dynamic linking group identities.     

Correlates of Psychological Distress and Major Depressive Disorder Among African American Men

This study examines the demographic correlates of depressive symptoms, serious psychological distress (SPD), and major depressive disorder (MDD; 12-month and lifetime prevalence) among a national sample of African American men. Analysis of the National Survey of American Life (NSAL) data set provides first-time substantiation of important demographic differences in depressive symptoms (measured by the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression scale [CES-D]), SPD (measured by the K6), and 12-month and lifetime MDD among African American men. Findings illuminate the heterogeneity within the African American male population. Findings also demonstrate the need for additional research focusing on within-group differences and a comprehensive research and mental health promotion agenda that recognizes the importance of improving access to education and employment and promoting healthy coping behaviors, while acknowledging the larger social context in which African American men live.     

College Attendance and Choice of College Majors Among Asian‐American Students*

Objective. This study explores how various measures, ranging from assimilation, to human capital, to family capital, and Holland's career‐development theories, affect Asian‐American students' choice of college majors. To test our hypotheses, we examine choice of college major using a unique measure based on the early earning potential of a large number of specific majors. Methods. Our data come from the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS88). We use the Heckman selection approach to adjust for the nonrandom selection of college attendance and choice of college majors. Results. The findings of the study show little difference between Asian men and white men. On the other hand, there are significant differences among women. Conclusions. Chinese, Filipino, and Southeast Asian women are all more likely to choose more lucrative college majors than white women, controlling for all the other factors. Interestingly, effects of our assimilation, psychological, and some of the family capital measures are quite different for men than for women.     

Regional Variations in the Realignment of American Politics, 1944–2004*

Objective. Perennial questions in electoral studies are what constitutes realignment, and when and where do realignments occur? Using the concepts of critical and secular realignments as a framework, we model change in the end product of realignment, election outcomes. We test for secular and critical changes in partisan strength across six geographic regions of the United States, focusing on office‐holding data at both the federal and state legislative level. Methods. Using an interrupted time‐series model, we examine evidence for secular realignment and posit five critical interventions that have affected American politics since World War II. Results. Our findings suggest that there are elements of both critical and secular realignments at work with different patterns in each region, and that different regions have been affected by a variety of elections associated with critical events since 1944. Conclusions. The collapse of Republican hegemony in the Northeast and Pacific West has gone largely unnoticed, buried in the intense examination of the growth of the Republican Party in the American South. The 1994 election is the most prominent in terms of its impact on seat holding by the parties at both the state and national level, and constitutes a realigning election.     

Private and Public Displays of Affection Among Interracial and Intra‐Racial Adolescent Couples*

Objective. This article examines variation in displays of affection between interracial and intra‐racial adolescent couples. Method. Using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), a nationally representative sample of adolescents in the United States, we estimate hierarchical linear models to compare characteristics of interracial and intra‐racial relationships among white, African‐American, Hispanic, Asian American, and Native American adolescents. In our comparisons we highlight three dimensions of relationship attributes: public display, private display, and intimate physical contact. Results. Our findings suggest that interracial couples are less likely than intra‐racial couples to exhibit public and private displays of affection, but are not different from intra‐racial couples in intimate displays of affection. Conclusions. Social barriers against interracial dating still exist such that even though interracial couples are similar to intra‐racial couples in their levels of intimacy in private, they are less comfortable displaying their feelings in public.     

Racial Differences in Public Confidence in Education: 1974–2002*

Objective. This article examines the black‐white gap in confidence in education in the United States and how the gap has changed over time. Method. The study uses ordinal logit regression on General Social Surveys (1974–2002). Results. Whites have less confidence in education, partly because whites tend to have higher levels of education, income, and conservatism, and are more likely to be affiliated with the Republican Party and evangelical denominations. The black‐white gap is largest at lower levels of education, and disappears among college graduates. The gap shrinks during Republican control of the presidency in the United States, and widens during Democratic control. Conclusion. The black‐white gap in confidence is not due solely to individual factors, but also to the larger political context and to the groups' different relationships to the institution of education.     

Family Transitions,Economic Status,and Voter Turnout Among African‐American Inner‐City Women*

Objectives. We examine voter turnout of inner‐city African‐American mothers, many of whom are single parents and endure long‐term, economic hardship. Previous research suggests that income is a more important factor among these groups than in the general population. We seek to understand the interplay of family structure, income, and voter turnout. Methods. We explore these ideas using panel data on 754 mothers living in Chicago and interviewed as part of the 1967–1976 Woodlawn Community Study. Results. We find that marital status has no effect when women are younger but over time single parents' turnout falls behind that of married parents. This is primarily due to factors related to income and income change. Conclusions. Single mothers have lower rates of participation and, given the high rates of single parenthood in segregated inner‐city neighborhoods, this substantially diminishes the political voice of the nation's poor, contributing to class bias in the electorate.     

Age Differences in the Correlates of Perceived Dominance*

Previous evidence indicates that the correlates of dominance vary over studies. We hypothesized that one source of this variability is that dominance shifts with age from being associated with aggression to being more associated with prosocial behavior and sociometric status. To test this, we examined 10 vs. 13 year-old boys' perceptions of dominance, using a measure that assessed the perceived outcomes of dyadic agonism. In a sample consisting predominantly of lower- and middle-SES boys from public schools attending a racially integrated summer program for youths with behavior problems, we examined the relation between perceived dominance, sociometric status, and measures of social behavior, including physical and verbal aggression. Perceived dominance was associated with hitting and bullying among 10 year-olds, whereas among 13 year-olds it was more closely associated with sociometric status. The measure of perceived dominance we present produced rigidity scores comparable to those found using behavioral measures of dominance.     

Public Opinion and Dynamic Representation in the American States: The Case of Environmental Attitudes*

Objective. We investigate causal processes linking environmental conditions, attitudes, and policies in the American states: Is public opinion about ecology shaped by environmental conditions? Are state policymakers responsive to environmental opinions? Does public opinion respond to policy adoption? Methods. Using public opinion data from the DDB Worldwide Life Style Survey to measure aggregate state attitudes about the environment, as well as measures of water quality and policy intervention, we capture the dynamics of representation in the American states on the environment during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Results. Our findings support a thermostatic model of representation—state environmental opinions are influenced by environmental conditions and are responsive to policy outputs alongside improved environmental conditions. Conclusions. This model of the opinion‐policy linkage refines our understanding of representation and focuses us not just on the passage of public policy to address public desires, but the effectiveness of that policy as well.     

Awareness of Resources for Visually Impaired Older Adults Among the Aging Network

Approximately 13% of the older adult population have severe near, intermediate and/or distance vision impairment. However, there is little recognition within the aging network that vision impairment among older adults can lead to isolation and excess disability. This article reports on a survey conducted by the Lighthouse National Center for Vision and Aging of the State Units on Aging (SUA) and Area Agencies on Aging (AAA) to assess their awareness of the vision rehabilitation network of services, their perceived need for more information on age-related vision loss and to identify specific projects known to or within the aging network addressing the needs of visually impaired older adults. Among the 298 respondent AAAs, 74% could identify at least one resource for visually impaired people, usually a segregated service offered exclusively to blind/visually impaired older adults. Eighty-three percent of the AAA respondents felt they needed to have more information on age-related vision impairment. The sparsity of programs within the aging network to address needs of visually impaired older persons is documented and discussed.     

Access to Healthcare Among Working‐Aged Hispanic Adults in the United States*

Objectives. The purpose of this research is to examine differences in access to and sources of healthcare for working‐aged adults among major Hispanic subpopulations of the United States. Nativity, duration in the United States, citizenship, and sociodemographic factors are considered as key predictors of access to and sources of care. Methods. Using pooled National Health Interview Surveys from 1999–2001, logistic and multinomial logistic regression models are estimated that compare Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and other Hispanics with non‐Hispanic blacks and non‐Hispanic whites. Results. Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and other Hispanics display significantly less access to care than non‐Hispanics whites, with immigrant status and socioeconomic status variables accounting for some, but not all, of the differences. For sources of care, Mexican‐American, Puerto Rican, and other Hispanic adults were all much more likely than non‐Hispanic whites to report clinics or emergency rooms as their source of regular care. Conclusions. There are wide differences in access to and sources of care across racial and ethnic groups in the United States. Mexican‐American adults, regardless if born in Mexico or the United States, appear to be most in need of access to regular and high‐quality care. Naturalization may be an especially important factor in greater access to regular and high‐quality care for Hispanic immigrants.     

Stability and Change in the Experience of Partner Violence Among Low‐Income Women*

Objective. In this analysis we identify factors associated with the dynamics of partner violence among low‐income women. Methods. Using two waves of the Welfare, Children and Families Study (1999–2001), we examine the multivariate predictors of ever having experienced abuse, as well as factors associated with the initiation, resumption, and discontinuation of violence between the two interviews. Results. Over half the women who reported violence at Wave 1 reported no violence at Wave 2. These women were older, had experienced less severe violence, and reported less financial strain than women for whom violence continued or began. For 11 percent of the sample, violence began or resumed by the second interview. These women were younger, less educated, had weaker social networks, and were less likely to be Hispanic than those who never experienced violence. Conclusions. Partner abuse appears to be highly dynamic and a fuller understanding of the phenomenon requires a longitudinal focus.     

Water and the History of China*

Water is the source of all life, and is closely related to human civilization. It had a special significance in China, so the ancient Chinese created the dragon god as a symbol of China, the Chinese and Chinese civilization. It can be said that the unique hydrological conditions on the territory of China created three great historical miracles: China, the Chinese people, and Chinese civilization. The Chinese have dedicated more effort than people in any other countries to water control and water use in order to make effective use of water resources and prevent flooding. It is their unparalleled achievements that have laid the foundation for these three miracles. Today, the Chinese people are facing unprecedented challenges in water control and water use. Exploring the historical Chinese relationship with water offers a good opportunity to understand the important role that water plays in long-term social development.     

Nationalist Reframing of the Finnish and Swedish Welfare States – The Nexus of Nationalism and Social Policy in Far‐right Populist Parties

The rise of right‐wing populist parties in the Nordic countries is slowly redefining the Nordic social democratic discourse of the universal and egalitarian welfare state. The nexus of nationalism and social policy has been explored in regions and countries such as Quebec, Scotland, Belgium and the UK, but the change of discourse in the Nordic countries has received less attention. Taking the case of Sweden and Finland, this article argues that Nordic populism does not question the redistributive welfare state per se as many other European neo‐liberal far‐right parties have done. Instead, it reframes the welfare state as being linked to a sovereign and exclusive Swedish and Finnish political community with distinct national boundaries. Although Sweden and Finland largely share a common welfare nation state discourse, the article also points to important differences in the way this discourse is able to frame the welfare nation state where access to, and the design of, social services are no longer universal and egalitarian but based around ethnicity. The article aims to demonstrate this through an analysis of the welfare discourses of two populist parties: Sweden Democrats and True Finns.     

Migration and Employment Among the Civilian Spouses of Military Personnel*

Objectives. This article attempts to directly observe the effect of being a tied migrant on the economic status of the civilian husbands and wives of military personnel in order to confirm whether previously observed trailing‐wife effects are consistent with being a tied migrant. Methods. A sample of the civilian husbands of women in the military and the civilian wives of men in the military are drawn from the Public Use Microdata Sample of the 1990 U.S. Census. Ordinal logit models of labor‐market status and tobit models of hours worked are estimated, which include a migrant status variable. Results. Migration is associated with a 10 percent decline in employment among all civilian wives and a four‐hour decline in hours worked per week among civilian wives who remain employed. Migration is associated with a statistically insignificant but very similar 6 percent drop in employment among all civilian men and a five‐hour decline in hours worked per week among civilian men who remain employed. Conclusions. The results provide solid evidence that being a tied migrant, irrespective of gender, is disruptive to both labor‐market status and hours worked. Thus, the assumption that wives are harmed because of their disproportionate status as tied migrants is supported.     

Bystanders' Reactions to Bullying: A Cross‐cultural Analysis of Personal Correlates Among Italian and Singaporean Students

This study examined the role of attitudes against bullying and perceived peer pressure for intervention in explaining defending the victim and passive bystanding behavior in bullying. Participants were 1031 school‐age children from two culturally diverse settings, namely Italy and Singapore, which are similar on several dimensions (e.g., quality of life, child welfare) but dramatically differ on other aspects, such as individualism—collectivism orientation. Multilevel analyses showed that country and participants' gender moderated the relations between individual predictors and behavior during bullying episodes. In particular, although individual attitudes were a stronger predictor of Italian students'—especially girls'—behavior, perceived peer expectations were more strongly associated with behavior of Singaporean participants. This study contributes to the literature by being the first to provide data analyzing the association between defending and passive bystanding behavior and different correlates using a cross‐cultural approach.     

Asian‐Pacific‐American Partisanship: Dynamics of Partisan and Nonpartisan Identities*

Objectives. This article seeks to understand the development of partisanship among Asian Americans since a significant portion do not choose either major party affiliation, but select an independent or a truly nonpartisan status. With a rapidly growing Asian‐American population, examining its pattern for both partisan and nonpartisan identification has been ignored. This research took a developmental process in which acquisition of any partisan affiliation/identification is a critical juncture for Asian‐American political incorporation. Therefore, considering contributing factors that affect the acquisition of any partisan affiliation as a precursor to specific Asian‐American partisan affiliation/behaviors is our direction. Methods. Using a logistical regression model and data from the Pilot National Asian American Political Survey, a category of variables, including sociodemographic, Asian‐American subgroup status, U.S. political orientations and attitudes, and experiences with U.S. society, are used to understand a partisan and nonpartisan affiliation. Results. This study reveals that aspects of socioeconomic status, political attitudes, and immigrant experiences are important, in varying degrees (especially Asian subgroup status) to understand partisan acquisition for Asian Americans. More so, Asian‐American subgroups, persons with lower educational and income levels, and participants in the labor force are less likely to assume a partisan affiliation. Levels of interest in U.S. politics and length of time in the United States do contribute to a partisan affiliation. Conclusions. Viewing partisan affiliation as a developmental process is an important research avenue to approach the Asian‐American community. The inclusion of not only sociodemographic variables, but experiences and evaluation of the U.S. political system, as well as recognizing the political “culture” of Asian‐American subgroups, provides a more complete understanding of the partisan acquisition process.