A new perspective on quality

The U.S. health care sector consumes nearly 13 percent of our nation's gross national product, $800 billion annually. Our nation allocates the highest amount per capita to health care in the world. Yet many measures of health care outcomes from these expenditures are inferior to other developed nations. The American health care system costs too much, excludes too many, fails too often, contains much excessive and inappropriate care, and knows too little about the effectiveness of the things it does. The purpose of this article is to discuss current payers' perspectives on the potential for quality improvement in the U.S. health care system.     

Health care costs tied to many issues

Although, in 1990, the United States spent about $750 billion (12.2 percent of the Gross National Product) on health care, 31-37 million people in this country are uninsured. Another 4 million people are thought to be underinsured. We have one of the highest infant mortality rates among developed industrialized nations and rank 19th in health care and well-being among those nations. Our life expectancy is lower than those of some third-world countries. The United States and South Africa are the only two industrialized nations without a national health care policy. In spite of these statistics, U.S. health care costs continue to rise and, by the year 2000, are expected to reach $1.5 trillion (15 to 17.5 percent of the GNP. Per capita spending on health care will reach $5,515 by the year 2000, compared with $2,425 in 1990 and $1,016 in 1980.     

Corporate compliance programs: risk management for the future

The Department of Justice has estimated that the government loses $100 billion annually in health care fraud. Consequently, the government's health care fraud enforcement activities with respect to all health care providers and suppliers continue to grow. Last year alone, the government collected more than $8 billion in settlements, fines, and penalties involving health care fraud. Recent settlements with the government have begun to include corporate compliance programs that require continued government oversight of the health care organization as an essential part of the settlement. The first section of this article describes the legal significance of health care companies' having corporate compliance programs. The second section provides a sample list of topics that should be included in any corporate compliance program. Finally, we describe various issues related to the creation and implementation of corporate compliance programs.     

Fraud and abuse: the payer's perspective

As the health care sector consumes an ever-increasing portion of our nation's gross national product (GNP)), forecast to represent 15 percent of the GNP by the year 2000, increasingly intensive efforts are being used to control the growth rate of these costs. Medicare fraud alone is estimated to represent $2 billion yearly. Abusive billing of private health insurers represents a far larger amount. This article discusses the concept of fraudulent and abusive physician billing practices.     

Why such a hurry?

Over the past decade or so, federal health policy has chased health care costs that grew out of control largely because of federal intervention in the form of the Medicare/Medicaid programs. Having implemented a prospective pricing system for institutional providers, the government has followed up with a resource-based relative value system for physicians. The prognosis for this new effort may be no better than that for past attacks on health care costs, and the outcome could be substantially worse.     

The Cost of Compensating Asbestos Victims Under the Occupational Disease Compensation Act of 1983

The potentially huge financial liability due to asbestos product suits and the resulting filings for reorganization in bankruptcy by Manville, UNR Industries, Inc., and Amatex, has become a major public policy concern. In response to the problem several bills have been introduced in the Congress to provide compensation for asbestos (and other occupational disease) victims. This paper estimates the cost of compensating asbestos victims under the provisions of the "Occupational Disease Compensation Act of 1983," introduced by Congressman George Miller. Utilizing fatality projections from studies by Enterline, Selikoff, and Walker, and assumptions regarding likely claims filing and success rates, duration and degree of disability, and medical expenses, first year costs for this legislation are estimated to range from a low of $131 million to a high of $ billion. Present value cost estimates at a 2% real discount rate range from $3 billion to $56 billion. The paper also estimates the impact of possible modifications to the compensation provisions of the legislation. Reducing medical payments by the amount received from medicare would lower costs by 3-4%. Providing survivors with a 3-year lump sum benefit rather than a 5-year lump sum payment would save 20-25% as would offsetting the 5-year lump sum by expected social security old age and disability benefits. Combining all of these changes would reduce costs by almost 50%.     

Will retiree health benefits survive FAS 106?

Recent months have seen dramatic public announcements about retiree health care coverage. General Motors recorded a $24 billion quarterly loss this year, due almost entirely to a one-time charge for future retiree health care costs. Other major employers have also reported sudden staggering losses, along with plans to decrease or stop retiree health coverage entirely. Some of these companies have been taken to court. The headlines also identify a culprit--an obscure accounting requirement, Financial Accounting Standard 106. To understand how an accounting rule can have such a profound effect on both the health care of our seniors and the financial strength of American industry, it is necessary to understand how employers pay for their retirees' care, how new accounting rules governing these costs can threaten a company's survival, and how employers are changing their employees' health coverage to meet these threats.     

Public Perception of the Risks of Floods: Implications for Communication

Floods in the U.S. kill an average of 162 people each year and cause $3.4 billion in property damage. Flood control programs have been successful in lowering, but not eliminating, the risks to lives and property. Since the late 1960s, the federal government has emphasized flood insurance as a primary tool for improving location and flood-proofing decisions, as well as for reimbursing flood losses. Since only 12.7% of houses in flood plain areas are covered by flood insurance, the program has been ineffective. We interviewed people living in three communities that had recently been flooded. Most people had little knowledge of the cause of floods or what could be done to prevent damage. People who work and who are better educated know more and are more likely to have flood insurance. Current government publications about flood risks are not likely to be understood by those at risk. There is little effective communication about the nature and magnitude of the risks and what individuals can do to protect their lives and property and lower their financial risks. The risk management program should both emphasize communication and enforcement of the current law requiring people at risk who hold federally funded loans to be insured.     

Nursing home care: ensuring quality.

There are more than 17,000 nursing homes in the United States providing care for 1.7 million disabled and elderly individuals. Medicare and Medicaid paid $28 billion in 1997 for nursing home services, more than one half of all nursing home expenditures. Improvements in the quality of care in these facilities and ensuring value for public expenditures has been a long sought after goal. Recent actions by the federal government are designed to strengthen state and federal authority and processes to accomplish this goal. Physician leadership in this area is essential to its success.     

The impact of health care reform on group practice

Just two years ago, it would have been very difficult to imagine that reform of the health care system would today be a national domestic priority and that Congress would be considering one of the most significant and far-reaching pieces of legislation in the past 50 years. The issue is still in doubt, but it seems clear that, in this session of Congress or the next, legislation of far-reaching consequences will likely be passed. In fact, change on a widespread scale has already begun. During 1993, every state legislature except those of Nevada and Wyoming considered measures that would alter the way medical care is financed and delivered. Of the states that acted, both last year and in recent legislative sessions, eight have passed laws with the ultimate objective of ensuring access to medical care for all citizens. Government, at both the state and federal level, is clearly taking on the health care issue. The impact of reform on physicians, and thus on group practices, will be substantial. This article outlines the current course of health care reform and addresses its specific implications for the management of group practices.     

A CGE Framework for Modeling the Economics of Flooding and Recovery in a Major Urban Area

Coastal cities around the world have experienced large costs from major flooding events in recent years. Climate change is predicted to bring an increased likelihood of flooding due to sea level rise and more frequent severe storms. In order to plan future development and adaptation, cities must know the magnitude of losses associated with these events, and how they can be reduced. Often losses are calculated from insurance claims or surveying flood victims. However, this largely neglects the loss due to the disruption of economic activity. We use a forward‐looking dynamic computable general equilibrium model to study how a local economy responds to a flood, focusing on the subsequent recovery/reconstruction. Initial damage is modeled as a shock to the capital stock and recovery requires rebuilding that stock. We apply the model to Vancouver, British Columbia by considering a flood scenario causing total capital damage of $14.6 billion spread across five municipalities. GDP loss relative to a no‐flood scenario is relatively long‐lasting. It is 2.0% ($2.2 billion) in the first year after the flood, 1.7% ($1.9 billion) in the second year, and 1.2% ($1.4 billion) in the fifth year.     

The ethics of health care system reform

The United States is now engaged in a momentous national debate about health care. How can we provide the best care possible while simultaneously containing cost (to promote the general economic integrity of society) and somehow maintain a semblance of a free health care marketplace. This is not just a political question; it is also a question of ethics. It is an ethical consideration because the current debate is not just about designing or promoting health care systems that can best address our concerns for costs, quality, and accessibility. It appears that at least some participants in the debate would not stop at arguing their beliefs as valid; they would make their beliefs law. Some urge the creation of the right to health care as a matter of law. There are significant differences between beliefs and rights, however, and they need to be considered carefully in the ongoing debate over the future of this country's health care delivery and financing system.     

Total Economic Consequences of an Influenza Outbreak in the United States

Pandemic influenza represents a serious threat not only to the population of the United States, but also to its economy. In this study, we analyze the total economic consequences of potential influenza outbreaks in the United States for four cases based on the distinctions between disease severity and the presence/absence of vaccinations. The analysis is based on data and parameters on influenza obtained from the Centers for Disease Control and the general literature. A state‐of‐the‐art economic impact modeling approach, computable general equilibrium, is applied to analyze a wide range of potential impacts stemming from the outbreaks. This study examines the economic impacts from changes in medical expenditures and workforce participation, and also takes into consideration different types of avoidance behavior and resilience actions not previously fully studied. Our results indicate that, in the absence of avoidance and resilience effects, a pandemic influenza outbreak could result in a loss in U.S. GDP of $25.4 billion, but that vaccination could reduce the losses to $19.9 billion. When behavioral and resilience factors are taken into account, a pandemic influenza outbreak could result in GDP losses of $45.3 billion without vaccination and $34.4 billion with vaccination. These results indicate the importance of including a broader set of causal factors to achieve more accurate estimates of the total economic impacts of not just pandemic influenza but biothreats in general. The results also highlight a number of actionable items that government policymakers and public health officials can use to help reduce potential economic losses from the outbreaks.     

Elements of the American Health Security Act of 1993

Over the past several decades, there has been a plethora of proposals that were developed in response to the ongoing debate on how best to solve the problems of the American health care delivery system. In the past decade, calls for modification of our health system have become even more resonant, as measures to control rising costs were unsuccessful and access to basic services was diminished for many Americans. The most recent addition to the list of proposals for modifying the health care system is the American Health Security Act of 1993, introduced by President Clinton in September 1993. This article will examine the position of the Clinton Administration on health reform and the core elements of the reform package.     

An overview of managed care in state Medicaid programs

The National Governor's Association predicts that Medicaid will account for 28 percent of total state spending in 1995, double the 1991 level. During 1992, total Medicaid enrollment reached 31.6 million beneficiaries, up 4.7 million (17.5 percent) from 1991. The total expenditure of $118.2 billion in 1992 was up 25 percent from the 1991 level of 94.5 billion. A recent General Accounting Office (GAO) report, revealed that, in 1990, 43 percent of 99 million emergency department visits were for minor ailments. From 1985 to 1990, Medicaid emergency department visits increased 34 percent, compared to 19 percent growth in all emergency department visits. A Department of Health and Human Services Inspector General Report on Medicaid recipient emergency department usage recommended that states develop a comprehensive initiative to reduce nonemergency usage of the emergency department, including increased implementation of managed care options. During 1992, 42 states used some type of Medicaid cost containment measure, with managed care being the most frequent choice.     

Health care costs: saving in the private sector

Robeson offers a number of options to employers to help reduce the impact of increasing health care costs. He points out that large organizations which employ hundreds of people have considerable market power which can be exerted to contain costs. It is suggested that the risk management departments assume the responsibility for managing the effort to reduce the costs of medical care and of the health insurance programs of these organizations since that staff is experienced at evaluating premiums and negotiating with third-party payors. The article examines a number of short-run strategies for firms to pursue to contain health care costs: (1) use alternative delivery systems such as health maintenance organizations (HMOs) which have cost-cutting potential but require marketing efforts to persuade employees of their desirability; (2) contracts with third-party payors which require a second opinion (peer review), a practice which saved one labor union over $2 million from 1972 to 1976; (3) implementation of insurance coverage for less expensive outpatient care; and (4) the use of claims review. These strategies are compared in terms of four criteria: supply of demand for health services; management effort; cost; and time necessary for realized savings. Robeson concludes that development of a management plan for containing health care costs requires an extensive analysis of alternatives, organizational objectives, existing policies, and resources, and offers a table summarizing the cost-containment strategies that a firm should consider.     

Physician financial relationships in the new regulatory environment

In recent months, physicians have been under scrutiny by the federal government with respect to their financial relationships with both drug manufacturers and home care companies. This heightened scrutiny can be attributed, in part, to the attention that has been placed on health care fraud and abuse in this country as a major cause of rising health care costs. Federal investigators currently are examining physician financial relationships in light of the Medicare/Medicaid antikickback statute to determine whether certain payments made to physicians are intended as inducements to refer patients or to prescribe certain products. "Health Law" is a regular feature of Physician Executive contributed by Epstein Becker & Green. Mark Lutes of the law firm's Washington, D.C., offices serves as column editor.     

Health care economics is changing--the law is sure to follow

Law is intimately related to economics. As the economic relationships in a market change, the legal landscape evolves accordingly. Even if no health care reform is enacted at the federal level, ever-increasing portions of today's managed indemnity sector will convert to plans constraining enrollee choice and seeking to deliver cost-effective care through risk-sharing relationships (both corporate and contractual) with providers. This is inevitable, given employer and federal government pricing demands, and it is changing the face of health care law. If federal reform is enacted and/or the systems adopted in Minnesota, Maryland, Washington, and Florida (to name a few) are replicated elsewhere, the legal concerns of physicians and other providers will shift even more dramatically. In this article, some of the legal fall-out from these economic developments is discussed.     

The Consumer Gains from Direct Broadcast Satellites and the Competition with Cable TV

This paper examines direct broadcast satellites (DBS) as a competitor to cable. We first estimate a structural consumer level demand system for satellite, basic cable, premium cable and local antenna using micro data on almost 30000 households in 317 markets, including extensive controls for unobserved product quality and allowing the distribution of unobserved tastes to follow a fully flexible multivariate normal distribution. The estimated elasticity of expanded basic is about ‐15, with the demand for premium cable and DBS more elastic. The results identify strong correlations in the taste for different products not captured in conventional logit models. Estimates of the supply response of cable suggest that without DBS entry cable prices would be about 15 percent higher and cable quality would fall. We find a welfare gain of between $127 and $190 per year (aggregate $2.5 billion) for satellite buyers, and about $50 (aggregate $3 billion) for cable subscribers.     

The ultimate goal? It depends

The knowledge that cervical cancer should be a preventable disease has provided the impetus to improve the Pap smear. Now, for the first time in 50 years, two new computerized technologies are available--the AutoPap and Papnet systems--that could change the way they are interpreted. Of course, these new innovations come at a price, perhaps doubling or tripling the cost--by one estimate, the new technologies could add $1 billion per year. The health policy issue is whether these innovations address the limitations of cervical cancer screening programs in an efficient way. The analysis is entirely different when cast as an individual patient care issue. Here the patient and physician, who serves as her advocate, want to use the best screening method. The goal is not how to best allocate resources to improve the health of the overall population, but instead how to get the best care for the individual patient.