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1.
V. Conclusions The empirical evidence is strong that minimum wages have had little or no effect on poverty in the U.S. Indeed,
the evidence is stronger that minimum wages occasionally increase poverty. It also suggests that the minimum wage does not
even lower poverty for the one group that, almost by definition, one would expect to be helped: full-time, year-round workers.
While the empirical results suggest minimum wages do not achieve what is ostensibly their primary goal — relieving poverty
among the working poor — minimum wages do seem to impose a real cost on society in terms of lost income and output. The empirical
evidence on work hours suggests that a $1 increase in the minimum wage, far from being almost costless, could conceivably
impose income losses to American workers in the $12-15 billion range per year — an amount equal to the “income deficit” of
millions of persons counted as poor by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. 相似文献
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Coclusion Recently Whaples (1996) reported that most labor economists believe that minimum wage laws decrease employment. Despite this,
policy makers have continued to periodically raise the minimum, with the most recent increases occurring in October 1996 and
September 1997. The various analyses done by Card, Katz, and Krueger, that showed little to no employment effect of past minimum
wage increases, have provided additional ammunition for those who would seek further increases. However, using the estimates
of Williams and Mills (1998), we demonstrate that the latest minimum wage increases substantially decreased employment for
both sexes. We believe that future increases will do likewise. 相似文献
4.
Bradley S. Wimmer 《Journal of Labor Research》2000,21(4):649-668
A firm’s ability to adjust its production process to economize on low-skilled labor when faced with a minimum wage increase will differ greatly depending on industry or occupation. For example, more capital-intensive means of cleaning hotel rooms or serving customers at restaurants may not be readily available without degrading service quality. In such situations, the productivity of labor is essentially capped, and firms have few options when the minimum wage increases. This simple observation has implications for studies that rely on microdata to examine the effects of minimum wage increases. If firms only increase prices in response to a minimum wage increase, employment effects are likely small. If the goal of the minimum wage is to redistribute income from firms and consumers to workers, minimum-wage increases targeted at industries and occupations where such rigidities result in an inelastic demand for labor may achieve the desired goal at a lower cost than across-the-board increases. However, such a scheme causes an inefficient allocation of labor and would be subjected to substantial political pressures that may lead to anomalous results. Additionally, it is unreasonable to conclude that policy makers have the necessary information to skillfully set the minimum wage. I thank Brian E. Chezum and Jeff Waddoups for helpful comments. All mistakes, of course, are my own. 相似文献
5.
Walter John Wessels 《Journal of Labor Research》1993,14(3):213-226
Using data from theCensus of Retail Trade, I estimate that allowing restaurants to use servers’ tipped income to satisfy minimum wage requirements would create at
least 360,000 new high-paying jobs and increase total income for tipped workers by at least 8 percent. Conversely, if the
minimum wage were increased 10 percent, tipped workers would experience a 4 percent decrease in employment and a 6 percent
reduction in hours worked, and all servers (tipped and non-tipped) would experience a 3 to 5 percent decrease in total income
because the tipped jobs lost paid more than the minimum wage. By not allowing employers to use all of a worker’s tipped income
to meet the minimum wage, state and federal minimum wage laws inhibit the creation of hundreds of thousands of new jobs paying
well above the minimum wage. Total elimination of this credit would decrease employment at least 10 percent. 相似文献
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7.
Roger T. Kaufman 《Journal of Labor Research》1983,4(1):81-89
That an increase in the minimum wage or minimum wage coverage results in an increase in the incidence of nepotism is empirically
tested using 1972 data on job-seeking methods used by American workers. The elasticity of the incidence of nepotism with respect
to the level of the minimum wage and minimum wage coverage in 1977 is estimated at between .38 and .68.
I would like to thank Peter Montiel and Geoffrey Woglom for their helpful comments and suggestions and Bruce Chesebrough for
providing the stimulus to write this paper; remaining errors are my own. 相似文献
8.
Farrell E. Bloch 《Journal of Labor Research》1980,1(2):245-253
Conclusion Even if minimum wage laws reduce employment opportunities for some workers, other individuals may benefit from their enactment.
In particular, union members and residents of states with high wage levels would be expected to encourage their senators to
vote in favor of minimum wage legislation. Examination of senators’ votes on the 1966 and 1974 minimum wage bills indicates
that senators favoring passage of these bills are likely to come from states with high union membership and, to a lesser extent,
high wage levels.
The equations explaining senators’ votes on these bills were disaggregated by political party affiliation and length of membership
in the Senate. Democrats were more likely than Republicans to support minimum wage bills. Virtually no difference was observed
between senators who voted on both the 1966 and 1974 measures and those who voted on only one.
Perhaps the most encouraging result reported is the similarity of coefficients generally observed for corresponding 1966 and
1974 equations. This similarity suggests that the equations reported herein could be used to predict votes on future minimum
wage bills. The results suggest also that the general mode of analysis can be fruitfully applied to other economic legislation. 相似文献
9.
Political support for minimum wage legislation: 1989 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Farrell E. Bloch 《Journal of Labor Research》1993,14(2):187-190
A model explaining senators’ votes on minimum wage increases in 1966 and 1974 was applied to the 1977 and 1989 votes with
similar results. The extent of unionization in each state was positively associated with votes in favor of minimum wage increases.
State wage levels were not significantly associated with senators’ votes. These results held for Republican senators as well
as for all senators. However, neither wage levels nor unionization rates was a significant factor explaning Democrats’ votes
on minimum wage increases. 相似文献
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Richard B. McKenzie 《Journal of Labor Research》1980,1(2):255-264
Economists almost uniformly argue that minimum wage laws benefit some workers at the expense of other workers. This argument
is implicitly founded on the assumption that money wages are the only form of labor compensation. Based on the more realistic
assumption that labor is paid in many different ways, the analysis of this paper demonstrates that all laborers within a perfectly
competitive labor market are adversely affected by minimum wages. Although employment opportunities are reduced by such laws,
affected labor markets clear. Conventional analysis of the effect of minimum wages on monopsony markets is also upset by the
model developed.
The author is indebted to Rex Cottle, Benjamin Hawkins, Hugh Macaulay, Michael Maloney, Thomas Schaap, Gordon Tullock, Gene
Uselton, and Karen Vaughn for helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. 相似文献
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Bradley R. Schiller 《Journal of Labor Research》1994,15(4):317-329
Federal minimum wage statutes cover only 70 percent of the work force and 30 percent of all employers. State laws are designed
to close some of these coverage gaps and in some cases to set higher wage floors. Hence, differences in state wage floors
and coverage should affect employment rates and wage distributions, particularly among low-skilled workers. Evidence from
the National Longitudinal Ssurveys of Youth is mixed, however: State wage floors appear to have no impact on youth employment
or entry wages, but coverage exemptions appear to increase both employment and wages. These observations underscore the need
to include state provisions in models of minimum wage impacts, particularly for later periods (e.g., 1988–1991) when state
wage floors were relatively higher. 相似文献
14.
Weng Tat Hui 《International labour review / International Labour Office》2013,152(1):107-123
In the context of Singapore's ageing population, the employment of large numbers of low‐skilled foreign workers is proving to be a major challenge to inclusive growth because of the stagnation of low‐wage workers' incomes. In order to address this problem, the author makes the case for introducing a minimum wage to complement existing in‐work benefit schemes. After addressing the commonly voiced objections to a minimum wage system, he suggests ways in which a minimum wage could be implemented in Singapore. New measures to enhance the social safety net and foster more sustainable economic growth are also proposed. 相似文献
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Santiago CE 《The International migration review》1993,27(4):772-795
"This study examines the impact of minimum wage setting on labor migration. A multiple time series framework is applied to monthly data for Puerto Rico from 1970-1987. The results show that net emigration from Puerto Rico to the United States fell in response to significant changes in the manner in which minimum wage policy was conducted, particularly after 1974. The extent of commuter type labor migration between Puerto Rico and the United States is influenced by minimum wage policy, with potentially important consequences for human capital investment and long-term standards of living." 相似文献
18.
John R. Lott 《Journal of Labor Research》1990,11(4):453-460
This paper identifies an additional social cost of minimum wage laws. The nontransferable sunk investments made in competing
to obtain minimum wage jobs produce a social cost since individuals will remain in those positions as long as they obtain
a positive return on this investment. This will be true even when more efficient providers of the service exist. The higher
the minimum wage is, the greater the level of sunk nontransferable investments and, therefore, the greater the potential inefficient
allocation of labor. 相似文献
19.
William Beranek 《Journal of Labor Research》1982,3(1):89-99
Estimates of the illegal alien work force, employment, and the number employed below the legal minimum wage are not available,
but are often required for the study of a variety of public policy issues, e.g., immigration and refugee policy, and policy
towards the monitoring of minimum wage laws. This paper attempts to fill this void by developing estimates of these quantities.
Of equal importance, however, is determining what light this and other related evidence throws upon the oft-expressed view
that the demand for unskilled labor at below-legal-minimum wage rates is virtually inelastic. Evidence is presented which
contradicts this belief.
I am grateful to Janet Hunt and Richard H. Timberlake, Jr. for valuable comments but I absolve them of responsibility for
any errors. 相似文献
20.
Wage inequality is examined for young males over the period 1980–1993. While wage inequality increased substantially for nonunion
workers over this period, wage inequality increased only modestly for union workers. In part, this difference results from
divergent trends in skill prices—returns to skill rose in the nonunion sector but contracted slightly in the union sector.
In particular, returns to education increased sharply in the nonunion sector while remaining stagnant in the union sector.
At least for young workers, these findings suggest that unions have been largely successful in resisting market pressures
for greater wage inequality. We also uncover evidence suggesting that, as relative returns to education decline in the union
sector, highly educated young workers become less likely to choose union employment.
We acknowledge the helpful comments of Dek Terrell, Steve Trejo, and Carol Horton Tremblay. 相似文献