A synergy of contemporary activism to address police maltreatment of Black males: An intersectional analysis

ABSTRACT

A panoramic overview of contemporary and historical activism to address the perennial tension between police and young Black males in the United States of America is extensively articulated. Furthermore, an intersectional analysis framework is utilized to provide, and explain the unintentional synergy of activism among different groups in the Black community such as the Black Lives Matter movement, the inveterate political class, and the venerable Black church to mitigate police maltreatment of Black males during the era of the nation’s first Black president. Moreover, we discuss the various aggressive policing tactics used in maltreating Black males, some criminal justice reforms achieved in the last eight years, and more importantly we offer suggestions to improve the relationship between police and the Black community.     

Electorally Threatening Women? Understanding Gender Quotas in the French Socialist Party

ABSTRACT

Almost three decades ago, the French Socialist Party (PS) adopted a quota for women in the party leadership and for female candidates, and in the ensuing 25 years, the quota was increased and implemented at various times. The history of the PS' s gender-based quota raises the following questions: Why do party leaders adopt gender quotas at one time, increase quotas at another, and implement them in some elections, but not in others? In other words, how can we account for the decisions of political actors? This work seeks to answer these questions by examining the demands and actions of PS feminists. It shows that party women demanded gender quotas and frequently backed up their demands with ideational and electoral arguments that often appealed to male party officials. However, the success of these proposals did not depend on the ability of Socialist women to make convincing arguments; rather it depended on the presence of male party officials who had electoral incentives to support them. This work thus underscores the importance of taking party officials' electoral incentives into consideration when analyzing women's political representation.     

Contending with the “Double Handicap”

SUMMARY

This article explores the impact of a quarter century of gender politics in presidential elections in the United States stressing the dual importance of differences between men and women, the gender gap, and women as a political force as they have come not only to exceed men in their voting numbers but also in their turnout rate. It reviews the way women's votes have affected presidential campaigns, drawing attention to the effect women's and men's votes have had on the Electoral College which is what counts in presidential elections. It raises the important question of what impact the attention to women voters has had on the public policies of administrations between elections.     

Race,Religiosity, and the Women's Vote

Abstract

Much of our popular political discourse focuses on the Democratic character of the women's vote, but there is, in fact, considerable diversity among female voters. Important sectors of the female electorate have political concerns that are at odds with the Democratic Party, though they hold these preferences less strongly than do men. This article focuses on these differences between women and links them to electoral behavior in the 1996 presidential election. I argue that women, like men, cast their vote with the party that best represents their interests, as they understand them. African American women overwhelmingly supported the Democratic Party in 1996, which is consistent with theories of racial group interests, but white women diverge politically.

The main finding of this research is that religious values play a central role in white women's voting behavior, even after taking into account ideological and partisan predispositions. We see this result, I argue, because religious and secular women correctly identify the Republican Party as the repository of social conservatism and the Democratic Party as embracing social liberalism.     

Event-related clinical distress in college students: Responses to the 2016 U.S. Presidential election

Abstract

Objectives: College students have cited the 2016?U.S. presidential election as a significant source of stress. The current study examined the prevalence and demographic correlates of clinically significant election-related avoidance and intrusion symptoms among college students 2–3?months after the election. Participants: College students attending a large public university (N?=?769; M_age?=?19.19; 48.2% female; 58.4% White) were surveyed in January and February 2017. Methods: Participants completed a validated measure of clinically significant event-related distress symptoms (eg, intrusive thoughts, avoidance) and demographic questions. Results: One out of four students met criteria for clinically significant symptoms related to the election. Regression analyses suggested that sex, political party, religion, and perceived impact of the election on relationships were more useful predictors of stress symptoms than race or social class. Conclusions: The high level of event-related distress is concerning because elevated symptoms of event-related stress are predictive of future distress and subsequent PTSD diagnoses.     

Utopia and Reality — A Comparative Analysis of Communal Settlements in America and Israel

Abstract

This research evaluates the effects of the first 1976 televised presidential debate upon voters' political attitudes. Citizens' issue awareness, campaign interest, and candidate evaluation were monitored by interviews before and after the first presidential debate in September 1976. Analysis of the survey data revealed that the debate did not significantly affect the competitive advantage of either candidate, but the debate did have the effect of increasing voters' interest and knowledge of the political campaign and decreasing the voters' confidence in both political candidates.     

Mentoring,Sexual Harassment,and Black Women Academics

ABSTRACT

The #MeToo Movement both within academia and popular culture has largely been seen as an issue for white women (and men). While the phrase Me Too was originally coined by Tarana Burke in 2006 to raise public awareness of sexual harassment, violence and assault experienced by women of color, the Movement has largely been whitewashed by primarily depicting victims and survivors as white women. Black women academics, like myself, also experience sexual harassment. By highlighting the ways that race-based sexual harassment further marginalizes already underrepresented groups in political science, I use my personal story to elucidate how a gender-only lens misses the complexities of Black women’s experiences with power inequities in academia. Throughout this narrative I underscore the importance of mentorship, professional networks, and the ability to harness scholarship as a vehicle to combat the pervasiveness of sexual harassment, violence, and assault for Black women in political science.     

The multiplicity of Hawaiian sovereignty claims and the struggle for meaningful autonomy

Abstract

There are multiple Hawaiian political claims and entitlements. Is independence appropriate for Hawai'i? Is it appropriate for Hawaiians? These two questions are not one and the same. In the movement today, there are multiple levels of ambiguity about these two claims – the right to indigenous self-determination under US domestic law and Hawai'i's right to self-determination under international law – as evidenced in the strategic invocation of both. The persistent maintenance of the dual claim reveals a particular sort of political ambivalence having to do with the dilemmas over the exercise of sovereignty in the 21st century. This article examines two different claims – one which is specific to Hawaiians as an indigenous people subjugated by US colonialism, and the other which is not limited to the indigenous and focuses on the broader national claims to Hawai'i's independence. Within this latter arena, there are two distinct lines of political activism and legal claims – one that calls for de-colonization protocols and the other that calls for de-occupation.     

Civic Epistemologies: Constituting Knowledge and Order in Political Communities

How do we know things? The question of epistemology – which drives both the sociology and philosophy of science – is also a crucial question for political sociology. Knowledge is essential to even the most basic and foundational of political processes and institutions. In 2000, for example, the transition of power in the US presidential election hung for 36 days on uncertainty over a seemingly simple question of fact: who won the most votes in Florida? A few years later, disputed factual claims about Iraq's possession of weapons of mass destruction unraveled, calling into question key justifications of the US decision to invade Iraq in 2003 and significantly weakening perceived US legitimacy. Yet, surprisingly, sociologists and political scientists know relatively little about how knowledge gets made in political communities, nor how the making of knowledge is tied to other key aspects of political life, such as identity, authority, legitimacy, and accountability.     

The Interdependence of Social Justice and Civil Society

Has civil society declined in the United States in the past 20 years? Multiple indicators suggest evidence for decline. This paper questions Robert Putnam's generational explanation for decline and suggests an alternative explanation, namely the structural economic transformation of the U.S. and how it has been managed. Individuals' perceptions of economic distress have increased since 1972 and are related to changes in indicators of civil society, including associational memberships, trust, anomia, and espoused racial and gay tolerance. Economic distress is also related to political interest and participation. Other consequences of an eroding civil society are discussed, including rising crime and inhibited economic productivity

     

Black women’s experience of colorist microaggressions

ABSTRACT

This paper reports the findings of a study that investigated Black women’s experiences of colorism. The authors introduce a new framework, “colorist microaggressions”, which highlight the microaggressions experienced by Black women. The results indicate that colorist microaggressions impacted the social, relational, emotional, and relational aspects of Black women’s lives and their well-being. The results also showed that like racial microaggressions, the “colorist microaggressions” that Black women encountered in their community, family, and in society, were pervasive. We conclude with a discussion of the implications for social work research, education, and practice.     

The National Conference of Black Political Scientists (NCOBPS): Organizational Empowerment Through Signaling and Valuing Women and Diversity During #MeToo

ABSTRACT

The National Conference of Black Political Scientists (NCOBPS) is an almost 50-year-old organization. Its history is rooted in challenging racial discrimination and exclusion of people of African descent in the political science discipline and profession. Over time, the organization also has sought diversity and inclusion in various forms, whether through inclusion of intersectional identities and expressions or philosophical perspectives. This article describes the significance of signaling inclusive values through the institutionalization of the organization. It also offers best practices for the #MeToo movement through accounting for inclusive practices of NCOBPS.     

The Use of Spiritual-Focused Coping Among Working-Class Black Women

Abstract

This study explored the use of spiritual-focused coping as a way of managing stress among working-class Black women. It was hypothesized that Black women would use spiritual-focused coping as a first response to stress and that they would find it to be the most helpful in coping with stress. It was also hypothesized that there were additional factors, such as age, place of origin, household composition and number of children in the household that influenced the use of spiritual-focused coping and the level of stress among this population. A total of 119 respondents, from four different sites in New Jersey completed a four-part questionnaire that included a demographic portion, the African American Women's Stress Scale (AWSS), the Ways of Coping Scale (WOC), and an open-ended question. Results of this study highlight the importance of spiritual-focused coping as a form of coping that is used by working-class Black women to help them to manage stress.     

Leading with racial equity: promoting Black family resilience in early childhood

ABSTRACT

It has been 47 years since Billingsley and Giovannoni penned a pointed analysis of child welfare’s failure of Black children the United States. This conceptual paper asserts that this failure will continue unless we take seriously the role that structural inequality plays in Black families’ lives. It updates Billingsley and Giovannoni’s paper by shifting the focus from children to families, grounding Black family well-being in a developmental model and constructing a racial equity approach to family resilience. The paper begins by establishing an empirical justification for focusing on Black families. This review of data on Black families further reveals early childhood to be a particular priority for intervention. The emerging model centers on Black families’ ability to navigate and negotiate for their needs. The model components are malleable factors that work together to form a “supportive state” and resilient pathway. Implications for the model’s compatibility with clinical family resilience models, two-generation approaches, and family-centered policymaking are discussed.     

I got all my sisters with me (on Black Twitter): second screening of How to Get Away with Murder as a discourse on Black Womanhood

ABSTRACT

In addition to performing racial identity on Black Twitter, Black users also use the platform to host discourse on Blackness. Tweets, hashtags, and trends associated with the television show How to Get Away with Murder are used to demonstrate that second screening and co-viewing of the series on Twitter enables a technocultural discourse on a shared cultural history of Black womanhood. Specifically, we address scenes portrayed in HTGAWM and highlight the intersection of race and gender. From a critical Black feminist lens we analyze the response on Black Twitter.     

The Utility of Social Class,Race, and Gender in Clinical Practice: A Case Study Involving Intraracial Dyads

This article focuses on clinical work involving a male Black practitioner and a male Black client in which issues of social class, race, and gender were prominent in the treatment process. Three questions raised by the client early in the therapeutic encounter informed assessment, treatment, and the clinician's countertransference. Tenets from self-psychology, relational theory, intersubjectivity, and sociocultural factors relative to Black men are used to ground the discussion. Finally, the article illustrates why intraracial therapy should be understood in the context of the delivery of culturally competent services, highlighting how the intersection of a client's psychological issues, social class, race, and gender can emerge as functional features in psychotherapeutic work.     

How Political Is the Personal? Gender Differences in the Level and the Structure of Political Knowledge

ABSTRACT

In this research note we report on the results of an experimental study among 469 respondents in Belgium. The study shows that the familiar gender differences in political knowledge can be substantially reduced when including more questions on female politicians. Using confirmatory factor analysis and item response theory measurements, we can observe that the structure of political knowledge is identical for women and men implying that women and men do not have different conceptions of what constitutes the political domain. Both for women and men, “personal items” (in this case: The correct name of the new baby of the female vice-prime minister) were shown to load strongly and one dimensionally with the more traditional institutional political knowledge questions. It seems that women and men respond in the same manner to information about the personal lives of politicians.     

Make me Wanna Holler: Meshell Ndegeocello,Black Queer Aesthetics,and Feminist Critiques

This article examines the music and performance of Meshell Ndegeocello, arguing that they are part of a cross-Atlantic conversation that pushes the boundaries of Black feminist thought on masculinity and desire. From the time of her debut album in 1993, Ndegeocello has resisted categorization both in her public personae and in her music. Ndegeocello's refusal to be restricted in her stage performance and in her musical expression has created a rich text through which to read Black female masculinity. Her work has been particularly productive in rethinking (Black) feminist couplings of patriarchy with male anatomy. Ndegeocello's music challenges any one representation of female masculinity, mixing critiques of masculine privilege and violence with celebrations of pleasure and pansexual desire.