中国城乡居民教育获得的性别差异研究

一直以来,中国城乡居民教育获得的性别差异逐渐缩小,最近甚至开始出现女性超过男性的趋势。利用“2008年中国综合社会调查”（CGSS2008）数据,本研究探讨中国城乡居民教育获得性别不平等的变化趋势,并着重检验影响教育获得的各主要因素是否存在性别差异。研究发现：第一,性别不平等存在城乡差异,农村户口居民的性别不平等程度高于非农户口居民;第二,父亲的职业地位指数（ISEI）或父母的受教育水平越低,教育获得的性别不平等越严重;第三,兄弟姐妹人数越多的群体,教育获得的性别不平等越严重;最后,不同教育层次入学机会的性别不平等程度也不相同,教育层次越低,升学机会的性别不平等越严重。笔者认为上述教育获得的性别不平等模式来源于不同的社会群体对父权制观念或传统性别角色观念的认同感的差异。     

Latino and Asian American Mobilization in the 2006 Immigration Protests*

Objective. Through a comparative analysis of Latino and Asian American participation in the 2006 immigration rallies, this article presents a new framework for understanding differential protest outcomes. Methods. To understand the relative lack of Asian American participation in contrast to their Latino counterparts, I conducted in‐depth interviews with community organization leaders and assessed the text of HR 4437, U.S. ethnic media, and organizational resources. Results. I find that structural disadvantages diminished prospects for Asian American activists to effectively mobilize the Asian American community. Conclusion. By conducting a systematic and multidimensional approach to understanding differential protest participation, I conclude that structural conditions significantly advantage the mobilization of certain groups over others.     

Political Orientations and Naturalization Among Latino and Latina Immigrants*

Objective. This study adds to our knowledge of the naturalization process by considering the impact of political orientations in shaping the pursuit of U.S. citizenship among contemporary Latino and Latina immigrants. Methods. We draw on data from the 1999 Harvard/Kaiser/Washington Post “Latino Political Survey” and use ordered logistic regression analyses to test the effects of political orientations on immigrant naturalization. Results. Political orientations exert a powerful influence on naturalization beyond the traditional sociodemographic determinants. Furthermore, the impact of political orientations on naturalization varies by gender. Conclusions. Naturalization can be induced by stressing the importance of voting and being interested in politics. In addition, Latinas are more likely to pursue naturalization than Latinos and the factors driving their decisions systematically differ from those of their male counterparts.     

Human Capital Attainment and Gender Empowerment: The Kerala Paradox*

Objectives. The State of Kerala in southwestern India shows the highest gender development index in the country. Despite having the highest literacy rate and educational achievements of women, the suicide rate among females is very high, and domestic violence committed against women is increasing every year in Kerala. This article attempts to analyze the demographic, social, and cultural changes that are occurring in order to understand this apparent paradox of high human capital attainment and high violence and suicides experienced by women in Kerala. Methods. The study uses data from the Census of India (1991, 2001) , National Crime Records Bureau (1998–2000), and Reproductive and Child Health ( District Level House Hold Survey—2001 ) to analyze trends in crime, violence, and suicide rates, and demographic profiles of the different districts in Kerala. Results. High educational attainment has fostered new aspirations and attitudes among women in Kerala. Yet, societal and cultural norms still dictate that women should be subservient to men both at home and in the labor market. This imbalance often contributes to family violence and suicides in Kerala. Thus, beneath the veil of development lie some disturbing social, cultural, and economic issues that may be contributing to high rates of suicide and family violence in Kerala. Conclusions. This study demonstrates that high educational attainment alone will not promote gender empowerment unless the social and cultural fabric of a country or state ensures equality of women in all areas of life.     

族群与教育不平等:我国西部少数民族教育获得的一项实证研究

摘 要：本文通过梳理国内外有关族群（民族）分层的文献,认为有必要把“民族”纳入到中国的市场转型和社会分层理论框架之中,并从教育获得的角度对这一问题进行实证分析。影响中国少数民族教育获得的因素主要包括：城乡地域区隔、职业结构（阶层）、文化差异和国家政治进程（政策变迁）。基于对2004年中国西部抽样调查数据分析,作者发现：（1）基础教育阶段入学的族群差异主要由城乡差别和阶层不平等造成,族群不平等已不显著;（2）少数民族子女高中升学概率依然显著低于汉族,其原因部分在于城乡、地域和阶层因素,部分在于少数民族和汉族的文化差异（如语言环境）等因素;（3）与汉族教育不平等的代际传递模式不同,少数民族教育不平等的代际传承以资源转化模式为主,从而影响了不同族群在教育扩展中的获益程度。总体而言,虽然中国西部少数民族的教育获得仍显著落后于汉族,但其教育不平等更多地来自城乡和阶层之间的差异。     

Latino Group Consciousness and Perceptions of Commonality with African Americans*

Objective. Currently, Latinos and African Americans constitute more than one‐quarter of the U.S. population. The sheer size of these groups suggests an opportunity for increased political influence, with this opportunity providing the incentive for greater social and political interaction between them. The objective of this article is to determine the role of Latino group consciousness in the formation of attitudes toward African Americans. Methods. Utilizing data from the 1999 Washington Post/Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation National Survey on Latinos, a multivariate ordered logit model is employed to test the relationship between Latino group consciousness and perceptions of commonality with African Americans. Results. Results show that group consciousness in the form of Latino internal commonality and perceived discrimination are contributors to Latino perceptions of commonality with African Americans. Conclusion. This analysis demonstrates that before any meaningful political alliances can be formed between the nation's two largest minority groups, Latinos may need to develop strong levels of panethnic identity.     

Categorical Imperatives: The Interaction of Latino and Racial Identification*

Objective. Most large data sets solicit “ethnic” identification and “racial” identification in separate questions. We test the relative salience of these two identifications by exploring whether individuals who chose both a Latino “ethnic” label and a “racial” label on separate survey questions still chose both of these labels when they were given a single combined question about their racial and ethnic origins. Methods. Using the May 1995 Race and Ethnicity Supplement to the Current Population Survey, we estimate a multinomial logit model of identification choices. Results. We find that most individuals who chose a Latino label and a racial label chose a Latino‐only identification. Selection of multiple labels was more common for Latinos than non‐Latinos, however. Language use, local ethnic context, national origin, and age were all significantly related to these identification choices. Conclusion. The format of “race” and “ethnicity” questions on surveys has significant implications for the identification patterns of Latinos.     

Anglo and Latino Differences in Willingness to Pay for Urban Public Services*

Objective. This research explores Anglo and Latino differences in willingness to pay for urban public services, assuming differences will impact service delivery in local government as the Latino population increases and becomes more visible. Methods. Survey data from a probability sample of Phoenix residents, now the nation's fifth largest city, are analyzed across 28 city services using multiple mechanisms that included a logit multivariate model. Results. Latinos are substantially more likely than Anglos to report willingness to pay for urban public services. These differences cut across services and are not mitigated by Latino income levels. Conclusions. Latinos are prepared to be full partners in improving service delivery in local government, even at the expense of out‐of‐pocket payment for services. Moreover, while increases in the Latino population will carry greater demand for more and high‐quality city services by Latinos, it is unlikely to alter the menu of preferred services along class or race/ethnic lines. The fact that Latinos seem generally more willing to pay for services also raises the possibility that Latinos are interested in investing in their communities, seeking more opportunities, and perhaps remaining in those communities.     

Language Choice,Residential Stability,and Voting Among Latino Americans*

Objective. Students of political behavior have often found that the primary use of languages other than English impedes many forms of political participation in the United States. We develop expectations about how language choice operates with social context to influence an individual's decision to vote. Although choosing to speak a language other than English—in this case, Spanish—may affect the amount of political information individuals have at their disposal, this choice also represents their access to social and community resources that enable, rather than impede, political participation. Methods. We examine the voting behavior of Latinos, almost entirely Mexican Americans, living in south Texas counties on the U.S. border and reconsider the consequences of language choice for political behavior. Results. Controlling for past residential tenure, we find that Spanish‐speaking Latinos will be more likely to vote than English‐speaking Latinos. Conclusions. The establishment of ties to an ethnic group in a majority‐minority context over time mitigates the negative relationship between the use of Spanish as a primary language and voting.     

Federal Defense Spending and Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Disparities in Economic Growth in the Southeast*

Objective. This study examines how defense spending in the 1980s and early 1990s affected economic growth in metropolitan and nonmetropolitan counties in the southeast. Methods. Using county‐level Census and other government data, the study employs a spatial lag regression model to predict how defense spending interacts with manufacturing growth to affect county economic growth during the business cycles of the 1980s and early 1990s, while controlling for other measures of regional processes. I supplement the regression analysis with brief case studies of five counties in this region. Results. The analysis shows that there is a positive interaction effect between federal defense spending and manufacturing growth on measures of income and employment growth. However, the interaction effects are much stronger and more consistent in metropolitan counties. Conclusion. As predicted, defense spending created regional variations in economic growth across the metropolitan‐nonmetropolitan divide in the southeast during the business cycles of the 1980s and early 1990s. Moreover, documented economic growth in nonmetropolitan counties is partly a function of spatial integration with metropolitan counties. The results have implications for current trends in defense spending.     

Exploring the Academic Benefits of Friendship Ties for Latino Boys and Girls*

Objectives. We examine how the racial/ethnic and generational status composition of Latino students' friendship groups is related to their academic achievement and whether there are differential effects by gender. Methods. We use multivariate regression analyses to examine the effects of friends' characteristics on Latino students' end of high school grades, utilizing data from the Adolescent Health and Academic Achievement Study (AHAA), and its parent survey, the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). Results. For Latina girls, there are positive effects of having more friendship ties to third‐plus‐generation Latino peers in contrast to dominant culture peers; yet Latino boys benefit academically from ties to all co‐ethnic peers. Having friends with higher parental education promotes achievement of both genders. Conclusion. Our results counter notions of a pervasive negative peer influence of minority youth and suggest that co‐ethnic ties are an important source of social capital for Latino students' achievement.