The Corrosive Effect of Acculturation: How Mexican Americans Lose Political Trust*

Objective. Existing research establishes that political trust is not only an important determinant of individual political behavior and government effectiveness, but may also measure the health of civic society. This article looks specifically at trust among Latinos of Mexican descent, demonstrating that acculturation is corrosive of political trust. Methods. Logit and ordered logit models are used to simultaneously test two theories of acculturation—classic assimilation theory and ethnic competition theory. Data come from the Latino National Political Survey (LNPS). Results. Support is found for both modes of acculturation. Conclusions. Although the results do not conclusively side with one particular mode of acculturation, they consistently show that acculturation is corrosive of political trust. Latinos of Mexican descent become more cynical about American government as they incorporate into or are exposed to mainstream American culture, and as they become more aware of or concerned about racism and discrimination.     

Institutional Incentives and Trust: Marginalized Groups and the Creation of Trust in Local Government*

Objectives. There is an important theoretical debate concerning whether institutional trust can be created. Since very few governments actually try to promote trust directly, it has been difficult to test this debate empirically. To investigate this debate, we examine an innovative new program in Japan that is specifically designed to promote trust in institutions—community currencies. Methods. We use propensity score matching to determine if community currency program participation in Japan increases institutional trust. Results. We find that participation increases institutional trust. Additionally, we find that supporters of political parties with little political power receive a greater impact from program participation. Conclusions. These results show that institutional trust can be increased by participation in incentive programs of cooperation, and suggest that members of marginalized groups will benefit more from program participation.     

Parties,Institutional Control,and Trust in Government*

Objectives. Partisanship should affect evaluations of Congress just as it affects evaluations of the president, and these institutional evaluations should affect political trust. We argue that the relationship between partisanship and trust is dependent on partisan control of Congress and that much of party identification's influence on trust occurs indirectly through approval of governmental institutions. Methods. Using data collected before and after the 2002 congressional elections by the Center for Survey Research and Analysis at the University of Connecticut, we examine changes in frequency distributions and mean values for trust and institutional approval. We use multivariate regression models and a path model to estimate the causes of political trust and self‐perceived change in trust. Results. We find evidence that party control of government and party identification are important in explaining trust and institutional approval. The Republican takeover of the Senate led Republicans to evaluate the Senate more favorably and to become more trusting of the government, while having the opposite effect on Democrats. Conclusions. The changes in approval and trust resulting from the 2002 elections suggest that at least some segment of the population is cognizant of changes in the political environment and updates its views of government when the political environment changes.     

Do Americans Trust Other Nations? A Panel Study*

Objectives. This study examines Americans' generalized beliefs about how much the United States can trust other nations, as well as changes over time in such beliefs. Methods. We analyze original panel survey data collected in 2001 and 2002. Results. Although only a minority of panel respondents expressed generalized trust in other nations immediately after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, even fewer expressed such trust when reinterviewed almost a year later. Social trust, political trust, and party loyalties predicted individual‐level change in this form of trust from 2001 to 2002. Conclusions. Declining trust in other nations may have important implications for public opinion and, ultimately, public policy regarding world affairs.     

Local Government and the Politics of Decency*

Objective. Local government officials exhibit a variety of responses to morality issues involving “decency” (i.e., pornography, prostitution, sexually explicit businesses). The purpose of this research is to account for these differences. Methods. This research analyzes a subset of data from a larger study of morality policy making at the local level, that is, all cases of decision making on decency issues (e.g., pornography, prostitution, regulation of sexually explicit businesses, etc.) that occurred in the period 1994–2000 in 10 of the 52 largest cities in the United States. Results. In mayoral settings, decision making on decency cases is likely to evoke pro‐decency action from officials when a high level of issue salience is combined with high levels of church adherence, low levels of women's political empowerment, low levels of fundamentalist religious attachment, and higher levels of per capita income. Officials in city manager settings act more favorably toward decency activists if (1) higher levels of salience combine with a lower prevalence of fundamentalist religious adherents and higher levels of per capita income or (2) there is an interaction of salience and low levels of female political empowerment and high unemployment. Conclusions. Although exploratory in nature, the results confirm conventional expectations concerning the importance of salience and the prevalence of church affiliation; the results are counterintuitive with respect to the prevalence of fundamentalist forces and the extent of female political empowerment.     

The Contours and Sources of Ethnic Identity Choices Among Asian Americans*

Objective. How do individuals of Asian descent in the United States identify themselves in ethnic terms and why? The purpose of this research is to map the contours of ethnic self‐identities among Asian adults and explain their identity preferences in this immigrant community of color. Methods. We analyze a new and large‐scale survey that collected public opinion from randomly selected individuals of the six largest Asian American descents who resided in five major metropolitan areas in 2000–2001. Results. We find that two‐thirds of the respondents prefer to identify themselves in ethnic‐specific modes. Although only one in six respondents preferred to identify themselves as “Asian American,” close to six in ten respondents indicated acceptance to this panethnic term as part of their identification. Using multinomial regression analysis, we show that indicators of primordial ties and prior socialization, in addition to cultural, social, and political integration, are instrumental in structuring ethnic identity preferences among Asian Americans. Conclusions. Our results confirm ethnic identity as a fluid, malleable, and layered phenomenon that depends on context. Our findings also highlight the need for reconsideration and expansion of the extant conceptual frameworks on studying ethnic identity formation for a nonwhite, multiethnic, multilingual, and globally connected population.     

Language Choice,Residential Stability,and Voting Among Latino Americans*

Objective. Students of political behavior have often found that the primary use of languages other than English impedes many forms of political participation in the United States. We develop expectations about how language choice operates with social context to influence an individual's decision to vote. Although choosing to speak a language other than English—in this case, Spanish—may affect the amount of political information individuals have at their disposal, this choice also represents their access to social and community resources that enable, rather than impede, political participation. Methods. We examine the voting behavior of Latinos, almost entirely Mexican Americans, living in south Texas counties on the U.S. border and reconsider the consequences of language choice for political behavior. Results. Controlling for past residential tenure, we find that Spanish‐speaking Latinos will be more likely to vote than English‐speaking Latinos. Conclusions. The establishment of ties to an ethnic group in a majority‐minority context over time mitigates the negative relationship between the use of Spanish as a primary language and voting.     

Left Out: Trust and Social Capital Among Migrant Seasonal Farmworkers*

Objectives. We analyze the levels of trust and social capital among an understudied group: migrant seasonal farmworkers (MSFW). MSFWs of today are likely to become the “Hispanics” of tomorrow, which means that understanding what affects the development of social capital of this group is critical to understanding how these individuals are incorporated—or not—into the U.S. polity. Methods. We utilize logistic regression analysis and ordered logit analysis to analyze a data set of 555 MSFWs and comments from four focus groups in Idaho. Results. We find that MSFWs have lower levels of generalized trust than do Hispanics nationally. We also find that MSFWs have low levels of trust toward whites and Mexican Americans. Conclusions. We argue that an ethnic community's subgroups must be incorporated into our analysis of social capital, especially when these individuals are likely to become U.S. permanent residents or citizens.     

Beliefs in Conspiracy Theories Among African Americans: A Comparison of Elites and Masses*

Objective. Several studies have reported a widespread belief in conspiracy theories among African Americans. Such theories have been shown to have possible deleterious effects, especially when they deal with HIV/AIDS. It has been conjectured that African‐American elites could play a role in dispelling these beliefs, unless, of course, they believe in these theories themselves. To examine this possibility the present study examines the conspiratorial beliefs of African‐American locally elected officials in Louisiana and compares them with a previous study of African‐American churchgoers in the same state. Methods. A systematic sample of 400 African‐American locally elected officials was drawn from a list of all African‐American elected officials in the state and 170 officials completed and returned the mail survey. Confirmatory factor analysis and OLS regression were used to analyze the attitude structure and determinants of beliefs, respectively. Results. The locally elected officials believe in these theories as much as the churchgoers and the structures of their beliefs are also very similar. In some very important ways, however, the predictors of these beliefs differ between the two samples. Conclusions. Our findings suggest that beliefs in conspiracy theories are widespread and that African‐American locally elected officials will not seek to dispel these beliefs.     

Together They Become One: Examining the Predictors of Panethnic Group Consciousness Among Asian Americans and Latinos*

Objective. This article examines panethnic consciousness as it applies to the two fastest‐growing minority groups in the United States: Asian Americans and Latinos. Given the challenges of diversity and immigration faced by these two communities, I examine the individual‐level factors that help strengthen their panethnic group identity. Methods. Drawing from data provided by the 2000 Pilot National Asian American Political Survey and the 1999 National Survey on Latinos, I use ordered probit models to determine the predictors of panethnic consciousness among both Asian Americans and Latinos. Results. The models confirm that for Asian Americans, high income, involvement in Asian‐American politics, being a Democrat, and the role of racial discrimination encourage panethnic consciousness. For Latinos, the important factors are higher levels of education, gender, being foreign born, involvement in Latino politics, and perceptions of discrimination. Conclusions. The findings here stress the importance of social contextual factors such as racial discrimination on the formation of panethnic identity.     

Phenotypic Bias and Ethnic Identity in Filipino Americans*

Objective. Links between phenotypes (skin tone, physical features) and a range of outcomes (income, physical health, psychological distress) were examined. Ethnic identity was examined as a protective moderator of phenotypic bias. Method. Data were from a community sample of 2,092 Filipino adults in San Francisco and Honolulu. Results. After controlling for age, nativity, marital status, and education, darker skin was associated with lower income and lower physical health for females and males. For females, more ethnic features were associated with lower income. For males, darker skin was related to lower psychological distress. One interaction was found such that females with more ethnic features exhibited lower distress; however, ethnic identity moderated distress levels of those with less ethnic features. Conclusions. Phenotypic bias appears prevalent in Filipino Americans though specific effects vary by gender and skin color versus physical features. Discussion centers on the social importance of appearance and potential strengths gained from ethnic identification.     

The Impact of Acculturation on Depression Among Older Muslim Immigrants in the United States

Using a cross-sectional design, this study utilized a self-administered survey to examine the relationship between acculturation, physical and emotional health, health locus of control (LOC), life events and depression among a convenient sample of 70 immigrant Muslim elderly in United States of America. In addition to demographic variables, 5 standardized measures including the Vancouver Index of Acculturation, Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CESD), Iowa Self-Assessment Inventory, Multidimensional Health Locus of Control Scale, and the Geriatric Scale of Recent Life Events were utilized in this study. The results showed that about 50% of participants reported a score of 16 and above on the CESD scale, indicating a presence of depressive symptoms. In addition, most participants identified with their heritage culture compared to the American culture. The results of multiple regression analysis revealed 4 significant predictors of depression: cognitive status (β =??.34, p < .01), heritage culture (β = .35, p < .01), physical health (β =??.27, p < .05), and internal health locus of control (β =??.25, p < .05). These factors explain about 37% of the total variance in levels depression (R = .61).     

Images of Women in Mexican Comic Books*

Comic books are read on a regular basis by young and old, rich and poor, urban and rural Mexicans. Humor, adventure, police, fantastic and political comic books are but a few types of these popular publications found at newsstands on busy downtown street corners or laid out on sidewalks in quiet neighborhoods. Because of their immense popularity, their content merits serious attention. Harold Hinds and Charles Tatum study the images of women in four comic books—Kaliman, Lagrimas, risas y amor, La familia Burron and El Payo—and assess the degree to which these images conform to or deviate from traditional stereotypes of Mexican women. They find that in some cases these stereotypical images are not found: but in most, readers encounter submissive, passive and long-suffering females dependent upon males for their self-esteem; or at least woman as ideal fiancee-spouse, as mistress-sex-object and as witch. Two women—Borola of La familia Burron and Lupe of El Payo—are more assertive and not cast in the same mold as most other comic book women.     

权益受损对政府信任的影响机制分析

权益受损对于政府信任的影响可以分为直接性影响、 传播性影响与归因性影响.权益受损的经历会使当事人的政府信任度明显下降,这是其"直接性影响".除此之外,它还会影响其他社会成员对相关信息的选择性接受,影响到其他权益受损者对于自身经历的归因,从而对政府信任度产生"传播性影响"与"归因性影响".基于"中国社会态度与社会发展问卷调查(2015)"数据,利用多水平模型统计方法,上述判断得到了验证与支持.