香港青年国家认同的心理融合机制

香港青年的国家认同问题已成为影响"一国两制"顺利推行的重大社会挑战,心理融合机制是其中关键和突破口。从制度-心理视野来看,香港青年国家认同在文化、政治以及利益维度上存在着不同程度的意义整合,所构成的心理融合类型通过宏观社会与微观心理两条作用路径,最终形成了国家认同的心理融合机制。促进香港青年"人心回归"是"一国两制"在新时代的重要实践课题,对香港青年国家认同心理融合机制的探析,将有利于从底层心理认知的角度提升青年国家认同感,助力香港更好地融合国家发展大局。     

深港青年学生政治认同差异分析——基于高中历史课程标准

青少年时期是培养国家认同和政治认同的关键时期。高中历史教育处于青年历史知识学习中承上启下的关键阶段,通过深港高中历史课程标准和教学效果对比分析,可以发现深港青年学生政治认同差异在于香港的历史课程标准编写内容不够完整,并且因为香港回归前后的历史教育欠缺和近年来错误的社会思潮和媒体误导,给香港青年正确的历史思维培养带来了侵害,弱化了香港青年的国家认同和政治认同。只有香港特区政府破除阻力,让所有的香港学生全面深入地了解中国的近现代史,深刻认识到香港与祖国同根同心、血脉相连,才能达到知史爱党、知史爱国教育目标,才能有效地消除深港青年学生政治认同差异。     

港澳青年创业扶持政策实施的多源流分析

推动港澳青年在粤港澳大湾区创业是支持港澳融入国家发展大局、全面推进内地同港澳互利合作的重大战略性举措。以金登的三源流模型分析港澳青年创业扶持政策的制定与实施过程,发现问题源流是由港澳创业青年面临的体制机制性问题构成,政策源流则由政府部门及官员、人大代表、政协委员、专家学者、企业家等组成的政策共同体推动,他们的建议在政策制定系统中漂进漂出。政治源流体现在港澳青年思维逐渐变化、社会舆论以及党政机构及领导人的高度重视,促使港澳青年创业的政策建议进入决策系统。中国共产党十九大报告提出粤港澳大湾区建设的重大国家战略开启了政策之窗,政策企业家抓住机遇促使三条源流汇聚,有效推动港澳青年创业扶持政策落地。     

“港独”分离主义对青年国家认同的影响与应对策略

青年国家认同研究是思想政治教育学的基本研究领域,培育青年国家认同是思想政治教育的重要内容和核心目标。近年来,香港不断发生青年团体以疏离大陆为目的的社会运动,香港青年的国家认同因之受到挑战。"港独"分离主义思潮是影响香港青年国家认同的主要消极因素,它通过设置敏感议题、扭曲本土意识、操纵街头政治运动、强化分离主义理论伪装、煽动陆港对立等方式蓄意扩大在青年中的影响,以达到消解香港青年国家认同,并最终谋求香港独立的政治目的。解决这个问题需要政府和社会形成合力,从意识形态话语建设、历史文化传统教育、政治法律制度规制、经济社会参与融合等方面稳步推进,全面清除"港独"分离主义的生存空间,最终加强培育香港青年的国家认同。     

“镜像中的重构”:港台两地青年社运的规律与应对

2018年,香港特别行政区依法取缔提倡"港独"的"香港民族党",反映了香港特区政府和中央政府对于港台青年社会运动中出现的错误倾向的有效防范与深刻洞见。通过系统地梳理港台青年内心的认知源头,在"镜像中重构"香港青年对于国家的认同,把重塑香港青年国家认同的路径移植到提升台湾青年国家认同轨道上来,从方法论上对深存于两地青年内心的"镜像认知"进行一次全面系统的纠偏,精准定位交往中的目标痛点,破除三种迷思,构建青年心灵契合就绪指数,加强国民教育,斩断台港"双独"输送链条,重构港台两地青年的国家认同。     

世代政治视角下台湾青年国家认同问题

2014年发生在台湾地区的太阳花学运中,台湾青年由政治冷漠群体走上台湾政治舞台,他们的运动诉求具有明显的"反中"倾向,出现"中国认同"危机。从世代政治视角分析发现,"趋左"的青年政治生命阶段、历史上特殊的群体成长经历和经验以及现实中两岸和平发展的利益分配问题等三方面导致了学运中台湾青年国家认同的异化。后太阳花时代,应以包容的态度对待台湾青年、务实的方式与他们分享发展利益、用中华文化软实力引导他们认同中国的提升路径。     

港澳青年参与南沙新区发展研究

人才交流是区域合作的一项重要内容。粤港澳大湾区建设时代下,广东自贸区面临重大的发展机遇,具有良好的发展势头,同时亦担负着为港澳青年拓宽发展空间的任务。本文试图在对南沙新区引进人才的现状特征与发展趋势的分析基础上,基于对港澳青年的调研及问卷调查资料,描绘出港澳青年对于到南沙新区实习、就业及创业的意愿,以及港澳青年目前对于到南沙工作的顾虑,最后提出促进港澳青年到南沙就业创业的策略建议。     

海外青年政治认同现实障碍及其路径探索

海外中国青年构成情况日趋复杂、数字资本"渗透"意识形态、国外签证敌意给青年科研人员带来焦虑和不确定性。自身面对着身份认同、学业压力、文化差异、职业发展困惑等老问题和新情况。在这样的背景下,海外青年的政治认同主要呈现出内在的稳定性与动态变化性、一致性与多样性、价值导向与利益导向等特征。近年来,中国外交部驻芝加哥总领事及教育组同仁,通过到美国高校开展演讲、座谈、联谊等多种形式,加强与海外中国青年联系,并主要通过教育职能、核心价值、共同情感、历史传统等维度体现着政治认同行为实践并发挥着积极作用。     

香港青年国家认同研究综述

近些年,香港人国家认同问题备受学界的关注。国内外在有关香港同胞的国家认同状况、影响因素及其建构路径等问题领域开展了较为深入的研究,并取得了显著的进展,但既有研究缺乏对内地港籍学生的关注、未能全方位把握其身份认同结构,且实证研究较为匮乏。加强对内地港籍大学生群体的必要关注、借用"多重认同"理论模型强化该群体国家认同的学理研究、考察内地青年的态度反应对香港青年国家认同的影响以及加强香港青年国家认同的实证研究将成为今后该问题领域的发展趋势。     

“80后”“90后”青年对社会主义核心价值观的认同——基于代际和阶层比较

代际性和阶层性是当代青年文化的基本特征,"80后""90后"青年对社会主义核心价值观的认同存在代际差异和阶层差异。"80后""90后"青年对国家层面价值观最认同富强,对社会层面价值观最追求自由,对个人层面价值观最注重诚信。在代际差异上,"90后"更向往自由等后物质主义价值观,"80后"更看重富强和法治,并且"90后"的内部异质性大于"80后"。在阶层差异上,富裕家庭青年最认同文明、自由和法治,中产阶层家庭青年最认同民主,城市贫困家庭青年最认同平等和公正,外来务工青年最认同富强、文明和和谐,体现出不同阶层青年在物质和精神追求上存在较大差异。     

以高校校报的创新发展加强党建育人工作

加强高校党建育人工作,筑牢抵御＂和平演变＂及思想渗透的钢铁长城,具有深远而重大的战略意义。高校校报作为党的喉舌耳目和重要宣传舆论工具,理所应当在加强党建育人工作中发挥重要而积极的作用。     

Private property and the problem of the miraculous: the kramats and the city of Cape Town

This paper seeks to explore the place of kramats the graves of Muslim saints or Auliyah – in the landscape of contemporary Cape Town. The kramat sites have been proclaimed as heritage sites because of their importance as tangible signs of Islam at the Cape. At the same time, the process of the kramats becoming heritage sites has contained moments of intense, often sensational, public contestation. Offering a reading of the discourses surrounding two contested kramats in Cape Town, this paper explores the way kramats mark out a miraculous space in the prosaic modern city and introduce into the post-apartheid evaluation of heritage, alternative conceptions of space and notions of temporality. They are sites of impossibility where, it is claimed, the laws of nature themselves are interrupted to mark the intangible particularities of the site. This paper explores what happens when this miraculous space is subject to the demands of private property and municipal law and the conflicts that arise from this collision of different conceptual and experiential modalities. It considers the effects of the entanglement of legend and history that result from the production of these sites as heritage in a market-driven economy.     

Disappointing and deviant youth and the rage of the elders

A generalized adult hostility toward youth derives from the complexities of the parent/child relationship, often mirrored in the helper/client and therapist/patient dyads. Parents derive considerable or little narcissistic gain from the accomplishments of their offspring, and conversely, are disappointed or even mortified by their failures. This is particularly true of narcissistically vulnerable parents—helpers and therapists as well—and accounts for widespread attitudes of competition, disparagement, and outright hostility toward young people. In the extreme, the pathological situations of emotional exploitation, incest, and physical abuse occur, but lesser forms of exploitation, such as personally gratifying advocacy, political gain, cultism, and enhancement of professional status, point to similar, but seemingly less destructive, forms of narcissistic gain. Youth may respond by conforming, defying, disappointing, and deviating. Adults may be either pleased, or enraged.     

On the expansion of the market and the decline of the family

Over the past two hundred years, large, modern firms have tended to replace small, family businesses. In parallel, the family has declined as a social institution. We suggest that these developments are interrelated. Because information of cheating in market transactions spreads only gradually in large markets, the reputation of the family firm could support contractual performance only in small, traditional markets. As markets grew in size, this reputational mechanism could no longer operate. The small, family firm was then replaced by the large, modern firm. This transition led to a decrease in the importance of the family.      

The Manifestation of Senses and Memory in the Obese and the Family of the Obese

No abstract available for this article.     

Modernity and the Contingency of the Public

The idea of a public contingent on its participants is the analogue of resonance to music because neither would make sense without the other. This article introduces the concept of modernity as a framing device and explains the occlusion of the private by the public. Secondly, the article illustrates the Legal-Autonomous Public Model, and the Multiple Public Model in the work of John Dewey, Walter Lippmann, and Kenneth J. Arrow. Public space is what Foucault was alleged to have called '´ecriture', which refers to a convergence of and intermixing of signifiers within a de-gendered setting (hence ´ecriture, as opposed to l'´ecriture). The great contest between Lippmann and Dewey in the 1920s signified a clashing of the two interpretations of the public with one arguing about the need for a return to a constitutionally guaranteed, left-of-centre public philosophy that would entertain the elite while taking care of the poor, and the other a plea for a rationalistic recourse that surmised and envisaged rational public discourse as only one of several possible publics. The article concludes with the notion that the constructions of public space defined by Dewey, Lippmann, and Arrow promote distinct yet related interrogations of public space that is more than an agora of resonating ideas, but includes a kind of automatic reverberation on its own axes.     

Women and the Emergence of the NAACP

This article discusses contributions of women to the emergence of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Using network analysis, the author studied affiliations between African American and White women who signed “The Call,” a petition calling for a national conference to obtain civil rights for African Americans. These links led to the origin of one of the most successful organizations in the fight for equality. Their experiences reflect the segregation and conflicts of the era. They also suggest strategies for facing cultural issues today. Teaching about social work history, its legacy of reform, and its commitment to social justice gained from the social movements of the Progressive Era can help social work students, most of whom are women, understand how social change can occur.     

Altruism and the Endurance of the Good

Egoism is a pervasive trait in modern market societies that encourages people to focus upon their own self-interest above all else. Third-sector organizations, by contrast, are frequently termed altruistic. This essay elucidates the meaning of altruism as it applies to these organizations. Moral altruism means direct concern for another's well being—whoever that person might be. This study rejects psychological egoism as a meaningful psychological theory, and ethical egoism as a coherent moral position; it discusses empirical studies of altruism in rescuers of Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe as proof against the former form of egoism and Kant's moral theory against the latter. The essay then argues that altruism is a form of public action in Hannah Arendt's sense of this term. The essay concludes that third-sector organizations are altruistic insofar as they engage in public action, thereby, treating beneficiaries with respect for their individuality.     

Brexit and the Future of the Left

The referendum on British membership in the European Union divided not only the society in the UK but also the left both in Britain and all over the continent. This division however is produced not so much by this specific debate but by a deeper problem of the left capitulating ideologically and accepting neoliberalism as something objectively inevitable (even without publically recognizing it), replacing class struggle by ‘progressive’ cultural values that themselves form an essential part of the new capitalist hegemony. Leftist intelligentsia with its cultural critique of capitalism is no alternative to the current system, rather it is one of its pillars. While class division was very visible in the Brexit vote, with the working class and poor massively voting for ‘Leave’, most of the left either sided with the establishment or was wavering. Thus the success of the ‘Leave’ vote can be claimed by nationalists. Even after this political disaster instead criticizing itself leftist intelligentsia is blaming the people for being provincial and not accepting their progressive European values. However it was exactly the mass of common people in England who by voting for ‘Leave’ contributed to the formation of the new European agenda. Overcoming and unmaking bureaucratic, authoritarian, and neoliberal EU institutions is the only way to progress towards the making of a new democratic Europe.