The political economy of U.S. economic performance: is the president responsible?

A recurring theme in electoral politics is that American voters hold the president responsible for the state of the economy. Ironically, many Presidency scholars argue that presidents are ill equipped to manage the economy because other variables compete with and complicate the effects of fiscal policy. These include international variables, private market forces, and monetary policy, among others. Using simultaneous equation methods, we examine the direct and indirect effects of fiscal policy on economic performance while controlling for a variety of other determinants of economic performance. We find that fiscal policy plays a significant role in influencing unemployment and economic growth in the United States, even after controlling for a variety of other determinants of economic performance. We close by discussing the importance of linking the econometric modeling literature with the literature on presidential management of the economy.     

Is it time to revise the definition of research misconduct?

U.S. federal policy defines research misconduct as fabrication of data, falsification of data, or plagiarism (FFP). In recent years, some have argued or suggested that the definition of research misconduct should also include sexual harassment, sabotage, deceptive use of statistics, and failure to disclose a significant conflict of interest (COI). While the arguments for revising the definition of misconduct used by federal agencies to include misbehaviors other than FFP are not convincing at this point in time, the arguments for revising definitions used by other organizations, such as professional societies, universities, or journals, may be. Since these other organizations play an important role in promoting integrity in science and deterring unethical behavior, they may consider adopting definitions of misconduct that extend beyond FFP. Debates about the definition of research misconduct are a normal and healthy part of broader discussions about integrity in science and how best to promote it. These debates should continue even if the federal definition of misconduct remains unchanged.     

A U.S. Holy War? The Effects of Religion on Iraq War Policy Attitudes*

Objective. Throughout the course of the Iraq War, the Bush Administration has consistently framed its war policy in religious language. Therefore, we investigate the extent to which public religiosity predicts neoconservative foreign policy attitudes. Method. We use the 2005 Baylor Religion Survey to estimate OLS models predicting the effects of religious measures on support for a neoconservative Middle East foreign policy. Findings. We find that support for U.S. Iraq policy is partially an outcome of what we call “sacralization ideology,” as measured by the belief that religious and secular institutions should be more closely in collaboration. Conclusion. We argue that the religious framing of U.S. foreign policy appeals to a certain religious type who is not fully Republican or conservative evangelical.     

China-U.S. Detente and China's Aid to Vietnam to Resist U.S. Intervention ——The Vietnam Factor in China's Foreign-Policy Readjustment

1968年11月至1973年5月中国调整外交战略、实现与美国和解的进程中始终存在着越南因素的影响。中国在处理并存的援越抗美革命外交方针与缓和对美关系务实外交方针这对矛盾时,对越美和谈的态度及对越物质援助的方针相应地不断发生变化。中国以越南问题为轴心推动了美国调整对华政策的步伐,中美关系解冻。随着越战的结束,双方着手进一步落实联合抗苏的战略构想。但与此同时,中越之间的裂痕逐渐加深,越南最终投入了苏联的怀抱。     

Are Subsidies to be Blamed? A Reexamination of U.S. Countervailing Duty on Hog Imports From Canada

A dramatic increase in U.S. hog imports from Canada triggered a successful countervail action against Canada in 1985, and resulted in an import tariff. This paper finds Canadian subsidies were not a major factor explaining increased hog exports, rather, the depreciation of the Canadian dollar played a larger role. More importantly, we find that hog imports from Canada did not “injure” the U.S. industry. These results imply the U.S. hog countervail duty was the outcome of rent-seeking activities rather than due to economic factors.     

Mr. and Mrs. president? The rise and fall of the co-presidency

In the post-World War II era, the influence of first ladies has grown along with the prominence of the institution to the point where both scholars and journalists speak of the existence of a “co-presidency.” However, the various political roles assumed by the presidential spouses present great risks for both the first lady and the president.     

When is a Health Department not a Health Department? The Case of the US Department of Health and Human Services

Given the current policy debate over health reform in the United States, it is not possible to describe the organizational structure that might emerge from this process. This article explores five of the attributes that underpin the context for a discussion of the structure and operation of a health bureaucracy in the USA. First, ambivalence in the US society about a public commitment to health and a general scepticism about a significant public sector in this area. Second, separation within the system between types of activities (e.g. health research activities, provision of services, and financing of health efforts). Third, the health system operates in the context of a government with shared powers as well as federalism and an assumption that some issues belong to states, and sometimes localities, and not to the federal government. Fourth, difficulty in the US system when it attempts to focus on prevention activities. And fifth, the structure of HHS creates tensions between management initiatives and professional expertise and standards. The article concludes with a discussion of possible organizational alternatives.     

U.S.Policy toward China and the Question of Recognition in 1949-1950

InaconversationwithPresidentHarryS.Trumanon17November1949,U.S.SecretaryofStateDeanAchesonsaidthereweretwoobjectivesofU.S.policytowardChina:OnemightbetoopposetheCommunistregime,harassit,needleitandifanopportunityappearedtoattempttooverthrowit.AnotherobjectiveofpolicywouldbetoattempttodetachitfromsubserviencetoMoscowandoveraperiodoftimeencouragethosevlgorousinfluenceswhichmightmodifvit....ThissecondalternativedidnotmeanapolicyanymorethanithadinthecaseofTito.1WiththesewordsAchesonenunciat…     

Fit for Work? The Influence of Sick Pay and Job Flexibility on Sickness Absence and Implications for Presenteeism

Recent developments in UK policy on health and employment have sought to change perceptions about what constitutes ‘fitness for work’. With the aim of reducing the incidence and duration of sickness absence, a range of initiatives, including the introduction of the ‘fit note’, are challenging the belief that it is necessary to be 100 per cent well in order to be at work. However, this article suggests that contextual factors independent of health may also influence people's decisions about whether or not to attend work at times of reduced wellness. Drawing upon data from a qualitative study of mental health and employment, this article illustrates how the terms and conditions of a person's employment may influence sickness absence decisions in a number of ways. It is argued that sick pay provisions, size of employer and nature of work may influence both decisions to take time off and decisions about when to return to work. The degree of flexibility to manage one's workload around times of poorer health may also have a bearing on whether people feel able to carry on with their work without recourse to sickness absence. Therefore, it may be important for policy interventions to consider not only health circumstances but also structural/contextual influences on conceptualizations of being ‘fit for work’. The implications of such contextually‐influenced decision‐making for ‘presenteeism’ are also considered. It is suggested that current conceptualizations of presenteeism are somewhat ambiguous; employees coming to work despite ill health is simultaneously presented as a problem and an aspiration.     

What Is Socialism and How Is It to Be Constructed?─Notes on Volume Ⅲ of the Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping

DengXiaopingsaid,"TherealizationofsocialismandcommunismwastheloftyidealweMarxistssetforourselvesduringtherevolutionaryyears.Nowthatwearetryingtoreformtheeconomy,weshallcontinuetokeeptothesocialistroadandtoupholdtheidealofcommunism.Thisissomethingouryoungergenerationinparticularmustunderstand.Buttheproblemis:Whatissocialismandhowisittobebuilt?Themostimportantlessonwehavelearned,amongagreatmanyothers,isthatwemustbeclearaboutthosequestions."'WhatnewimPOrtantideashavebeenputforwardbyComradeDen…     

What is moral sanctity? Sanctity in the moral worldviews of U.S. political liberals

The moral worldviews of liberals and conservatives in the United States have been extensively studied in the political sphere, revealing the peripheral role of sanctity in the worldviews of liberals. This paper provides a commentary on this previous research and then presents a qualitative study that seeks to explore liberals’ personal meanings of sanctity from a more grounded approach. Liberals’ personal experiences of sanctity involved bodily contamination, interpersonal breaches, and lack of self-control. To further interpret these findings, we situate them in the context of two constructs measured quantitatively, namely, moral perceptions of sanctity violations and transcendental self-concepts. Results suggest that overall, certain forms of sanctity are meaningful within liberals’ moral understandings, but these sanctity concerns may obtain their significance alongside other moral concerns. Findings help to illuminate what moral sanctity means to political liberals in the United States and the multiple ways that sanctity can be moralized by different groups.