A theory of justice?

This is a critical analysis of John Rawls's A Theory of Justice. Rawls offers a theoretical justification of social democratic principles of justice. He argues that they are the principles which rational men would choose, under defined constraints, in an original position of social contract. The author criticises Rawls's assumption that men of any background, of any socialisation, would choose these principles in the original position. He argues that the choice which Rawls imputes to his contractors reflects a specific socialisation — one dominant in Western democracies. The theory is useful because it systematises a particular sense of justice; it is in no sense however a universal theory.My warm thanks go to Jimmy Altham, Harry Bracken, Stefan Collini, Martin Hollis, Steven Lukes, Quentin Skinner and Denys Turner. Without their comments this paper would certainly have been a poorer effort. I am also grateful to Professor Rawls for a useful correspondence about his position.     

Karl Marx's sociological theory of democracy: Civil society and political rights

This essay reconstructs Marx's relationship to democracy and liberalism through an examination of his early work which was directly concerned with the issues of understanding democracy as a kind of society. Only with an analysis of the dynamics of civil society—a political economic, sociological, and historical understanding—could the true nature of citizenship be discerned. In contradistinction to liberal political theory, he would argue that political theory could not stand on its own if it analyzed only the state. Marx came to understand the contradiction between the liberal state and civil society as what he called a sophistry because it undermined the possibility of the democratic agency of workers. This was a sophistry, not because he opposed political democracy, but because the development of capitalism undermined the possibility of democratic agency. Citizenship could be nothing but a “lion's skin” of politics concealing the nature of civil society beneath it. This contradiction would drive Marx's thought forward as he moved from liberalism to democratic socialism with his developing understanding of the structure and dynamics of capitalism from 1843 until the end of his life. The essay illustrates two closely related claims about Marx's thought regarding liberalism and democracy. First, I argue that Marx engaged in a democratic critique of liberalism; second, and as a response to his democratic critique of liberalism, Marx developed a more sociological understanding of democracy, and hence believed that political democracy was a necessary condition of freedom, though not a sufficient condition.     

Social cognition,social neuroscience,and evolutionary social psychology: What's missing?

In this paper I argue that something important, and something social, is missing from contemporary accounts of social cognition, social neuroscience and evolutionary social psychology. Contemporary accounts of social cognition focus on cognition directed towards social objects, that is, towards persons and social groups. In contrast, early twentieth century accounts of socially engaged cognition focused upon beliefs and attitudes oriented to the represented beliefs and attitudes of members of social ‘reference groups’ and directed towards both social and non‐social objects. I argue that this earlier conception of socially engaged cognition should be integrated with contemporary research on social cognition, social neuroscience and evolutionary social psychology, since it poses a challenge but also an opportunity for these disciplines.     

Civic Socialization in Public and Fundamentalist Schools*

Objective. Critics of schools governed by fundamentalist religions are concerned that these schools will not socialize students to the attitudes and values appropriate for citizens of a pluralistic liberal democracy. Among these values are support for democratic norms, political tolerance, moral reasoning and autonomy, duty to community, and acceptance of nontraditional lifestyles. This article examines the empirical basis for the critics' concerns. Methods. Using difference‐of‐means tests and multivariate regression, we compare students in the 10th and 12th grades attending regular public and fundamentalist Christian schools. Results. The 10th‐grade comparisons of the two sets of students confirm many of the expectations of critics of fundamentalist schools. By the 12th grade, however, the students in fundamentalist schools have surpassed students in regular public schools on many of the desired attitudes and values, but the fundamentalist school students remain less accepting of nontraditional lifestyles. Conclusion. For the most part, fundamentalist Christian high schools do as well or better than regular public schools in socializing their students to the values appropriate to citizenship in liberal democracies.     

Absent, Full and Partial Responsibility of the Psychopaths

The research into the typical behavioral pattern, motivational structure, and the value system of psychopaths can shed light on at least three aspects related to the analysis of the moral agency. First, it can help elucidating the emotive and cognitive conditions necessary for moral performance. Secondly, it can provide empirical evidence supporting the externalist theories of moral motivation. Finally, it can bring into greater focus our intuitive notion of the limits of moral responsibility. In this paper I shall concentrate on the last one—the question of responsibility of the amoralists, but the discussion will have an indirect bearing on the other two themes as well. My main reason for holding psychopaths morally responsible breaks down into two claims: the assumption that most ordinary people are morally responsible for their intentional actions (i.e., the rejection of hard determinism) and the denial that the psychopaths are qualitatively different from the non‐psychopaths. This thesis is further defended against two objections. First, I am arguing that the genetically based emotive deficiency of the psychopaths cannot be seen the factor condemning them to amoral existence, and thus cannot be cited as an exempting condition. Secondly, my position is defended against the claim that psychopaths are partly responsible for their actions. It is argued that the notion of partial responsibility is either incoherent or else rests on a false empirical premise. My conclusion is in agreement with, and provides a theoretical justification for, the position of most classifications of the persons with antisocial personality disorder in the DSM IV.     

Competing allocation principles: time for compromise?

A small set of allocation principles is said to be behind several theories of distributive justice. However, disagreement about the appropriate relationship between these notions remains, so that compromises between principles may generate more agreement. Truncated utilitarianism is a prominent candidate. It demands maximising total wealth subject to a floor level of individual wealth for all people. Based on some well-known distributive notions, we developed a questionnaire setting and confronted student respondents with corresponding allocation problems, where an exogenously given poverty line served as a floor. However, support for allocations resulting from this specific interpretation of truncated utilitarianism remained rather low. This is surprising because the respective solution was close to an equal split of resources, and aspects of efficiency and responsibility were explicitly introduced to promote more general acceptance. We argue that people may either wish to see higher floor levels or are more inequality averse than probably expected. Moreover, high support for an unconditional consideration of the poverty line can be witnessed, even though aspects of responsibility, but not efficiency arguments, display an influence. In general, attitudes with respect to the equality?Cefficiency trade-off are found to remain heterogeneous, although different equality concerns are prominent. Furthermore, trade-offs are moderated by the responsibility principle.     

实现行政道德责任的道德人格性依据及制度正义原则的建构

作为公共权力的运作者和实施者,公务员应承诺包括行政道德责任在内的许多责任。现实中,行政道德责任的落实并不容易甚至出现缺失状况。为此,应该强化道德人格,坚持制度正义原则。道德人格是实现行政道德责任的依据,制度正义原则是实现行政道德责任的保障,二者相辅相成,共同促进责任的实现。     

East Asian Welfare Regimes: Testing the Hypothesis of the Developmental Welfare State

Following the three welfare regimes constructed by Esping‐Andersen, many scholars have addressed the question of whether there may be a further type of regime, differing from the categories of liberal, conservative and social democratic, pertaining to other parts of the world. Discussion has centred largely on East Asia and, in particular, on the notion of the developmental/productivist welfare regime. Yet these discussions have been based more on conceptual classification than empirical analysis. This article attempts to fill in the gap, with reference to the developmental characteristics of Taiwan, South Korea and Japan. A set of 15 indicators is developed for the factor and cluster analysis of 20 countries, based on data from the 1980s and 1990s. The results indicate the existence of a new group, consisting of Taiwan and South Korea, which is distinct from Esping‐Andersen's three regimes – unlike Japan, which remains a composite of various regime types. Regime characteristics peculiar to the cases of Taiwan and South Korea include: low/medium social security expenditure, high social investment, more extensive gender discrimination in salary, medium/high welfare stratification, a high non‐coverage rate for pensions, high individual welfare loading, and high family welfare responsibility. When compared with Esping‐Andersen's three regimes, the East Asian developmental regime shows similarity with his conservative model, in respect of welfare stratification, while the non‐coverage of welfare entitlements is similar to his liberal model. There is virtually no evidence of any similarity between the developmental welfare regime and Esping‐Andersen's social democratic regime type.     

DIVERSITY BUT NOT EQUALITY: DOMESTIC LABOUR IN COHABITING RELATIONSHIPS

This paper examines the domestic labour arrangements of cohabiting couples and the implications for gender equality. The discussion is based on a predominantly qualitative study of thirty young cohabiters. The men and women shared domestic labour in diverse ways but not equally, instead they used discursive strategies to avoid assessing whether their contributions were equal. The cohabiters expressed extremely egalitarian attitudes when asked general questions about society but equality is absent when they discuss their own relationships. I argue that the concept of equality is part of public discourse rather than a fundamental principle of cohabiting relationships.     

Urban America as a Context for the Development of Moral Identity in Adolescence

Moral identity, defined as a self-consistent commitment to lines of action benefiting others, is described in the contexts of adolescence and poor, urban neighborhoods. A model of moral identity development is proposed. According to the model, stable characteristics of the individual and the individual's family, in conjunction with social attitudes, self-conceptions, and opportunities for the exploration of prosocial action, influence the development of moral identity. Analyses from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth provide support for the model, and demonstrate that urban poverty is associated with few opportunities for development of moral identity. We argue that the provision of these opportunities should be given a high priority both to foster good individual development and as a means for increasing social capital in neighborhoods.     

Moral structures and axiomatic theory

Axiomatic decision theory has proven to be a valuable analytical tool in many disciplines, and in this paper I discuss its application to moral theory. The first part of the paper discusses the general structure of moral theory, and it argues that morality need not be identified with a particular moral principle. The concept of a moral framework is introduced, and a framework for use in analyzing issues of distributive justice is presented in the second section. The application of this framework is discussed in the paper's final section, and two different moral situations are analyzed. The utilitarian principle is argued to be appropriate for the first situation in which a scarce good is to be efficiently distributed, while Rawls' difference principle is claimed to be the correct one for the more abstract issue of basic institutional justice.     

Altruism,Social Responsibility,and Government Support For Social Welfare

The study concerns altruistic behaviour in Hong Kong and its relation to social responsibility and support of government responsibility for social welfare. The findings indicated that the community as a whole is likely to engage in altruistic acts. The responses reflect a sense of social responsibility as the most important factor contributing to the explanation of altruism. Independent of other characteristics, those respondents who were more socially responsible were more altruistic. These findings suggest that the people's willingness to help others is largely independent of concern about the interests of society as a priority of responsibility. The general finding is that people are more concerned with individual or familial interests and would sacrifice the interests of society in situations where the two are in conflict.     

Sex Differences in Moral Interests: The Role of Kinship and the Nature of Reciprocity

Although moral psychologists and feminist moral theorists emphasize males' interest in justice or fairness and females' interest in care or empathy, recent work in evolutionary psychology links females' interests in care and empathy for others with interests in fairness and equality. In an important work on sex differences in cognitive abilities, David Geary (1998 ) argues that the evolutionary mechanism of sexual selection drives the evolution of particular cognitive abilities and selection for particular interests. I mount two main challenges to Geary's claims. First, I argue that female social and intrasexual competitive environments evolve, which challenges the assumption that such environments are largely nonkin-based and characterized by reciprocity. Second, I grant Geary's entire characterization of female environments, but argue that the natures of reciprocal relationships themselves do not require and may not select for interests in fairness and equality. This analysis not only challenges claims regarding sex differences in moral interests, but also suggests the need for a diachronic model of male and female social and intrasexual competitive environments. In addition, I propose a return to Trivers's (1971 ) focus on the suite of emotions underlying reciprocal altruism as properties and features of individuals as fodder for selection.     

代际气候正义的陷阱

从气候伦理上看，代内正义是解决代际正义的前提。在应对气候变化的研究和谈判中，不断强调代际气候正义，实际上是要求所有当代人抛开历史责任共同减少排放。这隐藏着发达国家的一个“阴谋”：放弃自己的历史责任。无论是代际还是代内，分配正义的核心价值都要求对弱势群体给予特殊关照。气候变化产生的利益与损失存在着不平等分配。气候变化的受益者是否有义务向受害者提供补偿或援助，已经成为一个迫切的伦理道德问题。     

Confession Governance and Verdicts in China’s Criminal Justice

The objective phenomenon of reliance on confessions is the source of many problems in the practice of criminal justice in China. Although successive amendments to the law have endeavored to improve the handling of confessions, they have been unable to resolve the dilemma of a rigid management mode, incompatible management strategies, and conflicting attitudes towards management. This paper has made a multi-dimensional reinterpretation of it from the judges’ perspective, including functional analysis, cultural interpretation and immediate considerations. It reveals that behind its functions of offering moral comfort or allowing evasion of responsibility, confession, as a medium of physical and intellectual management, has the more important function of supplementing and improving the legitimacy of criminal verdicts. The remolding of the legitimacy of criminal verdicts with the coordinated improvement of the management of confessions will change the mode of association between those who currently govern confession and those they govern and will clash with the current closed mode of criminal justice management, thereby promoting a transformation in the governance of criminal justice.     

对道德权威的再认识

道德万能论与道德无用论代表两种对传统道德权威不同的审视结果；政治权威对道德领域的渗透，使道德权威变质为一种权威道德；政治权威树立道德权威的过程，抹杀了个人的理性精神；现时代道德权威的缺失，呼唤树立一种合理的新道德权威。这种道德权威应从人们普遍遵守的道德底线出发，注重培养人们的自由观念、民主意识、科学精神，遵循人道原则、公平原则、进取原则。     

Relationships between attitudes toward women's roles in society,and work and life values

This exploratory study examined the relationships between attitudes toward women's roles in society, as measured by the six sub-scales on ward Women Scale (AWS: Spence, J. T., & Helmreich, R. L. (1972). The Attitudes Towards Women Scale: An objective instrument to measure attitudes towards the rights and roles of women in contemporary society. JSAS Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology, 2(66)) and 20 work and life values, as measured by the Life Roles Inventory-Values Scale (LRI-VS: Macnab, D., Fitzsimmons, G., & Casserly, C. (1985). Administrator's manual for the Life Roles Inventory Values and Salience. Edmonton, AB: PsiCan Consulting). It was hypothesized that more liberal attitudes toward women's roles in society would be associated with higher scores on the social, personal and individual values. Results from a sample of 89 management and health sciences undergraduates generally supported the hypothesis.     

Chinese seniors’ attitudes towards government responsibility for social welfare: Self‐interest,collectivism orientation and regional disparities

Government responsibility for social welfare remains a significant issue in the field of social welfare. Public welfare attitudes not only refer to the social needs of members of society, but also are viewed as the basis for government responsibility for social welfare. Data used in this study came from the Moderate Universalist Social Welfare Survey with a final sample of 1,166 seniors from four Chinese cities in 2012. This study examined seniors’ attitudes towards government responsibility for providing specific welfare and mixed welfare. It concluded that seniors’ welfare attitudes share the traits of self‐interest in general. Seniors’ perception of social rights and cities of residence were two important factors associated with welfare attitudes in both aspects of specific and mixed welfare. The stronger seniors’ social rights perception was the more favourable were the attitudes they held towards government responsibility for social welfare, indicating the collectivism orientation of their welfare attitudes.     

If Islam is our other,who are ‘we‘?

Since September 11, the Australian media has increasingly represented Muslim Australians as essential outsiders threatening standards and values of the modern liberal democratic polity. This article traces a similar trend in a number of Western European countries, finding a link with backlashes against multiculturalism and a call for a return to putatively universal and absolute values that are being contravened by Muslims. The article also connects both the dehumanising portrayals of Muslims, as enemies of humanity, and the concomitant depiction of Western nations as the embodiment of universal values with Carl Schmitt's theory that, under such circumstances, all constraints on how the enemy is to be treated are rendered nugatory. It argues that US policies regarding torture are consistent with Schmitt's analysis. Drawing on recent literature on the historical and sociological construction of secular forms, the article then asks whether Muslims are regarded as radical enemies because they are a threat to the West's self conception as modern and secular, or whether the conflict is of a religious nature. It concludes by looking at recent political rhetoric and educational policy in Australia to argue that despite the dominant note appearing to be one of secularism, there is a notable presence of references to Christian values, indicating that it is not simply religion per se that is seen as problematic, but Islam in particular.     

公民责任：逻辑前提与政治确证

一个健康而有序的公民社会不仅是体现公民价值与权利的民主社会,更应该是倡导公民责任的主体性社会。在伦理思想史上,无论是机械决定论还是意志自由论都没能很好地回答自由与责任的关系,只有马克思主义伦理学揭示了自由与必然的辩证关系,使我们认识到公民责任确立的逻辑前提是公民主体地位的确立,这是一个历史的过程。公民责任的政治确证,是从政治意义上探讨公民为什么可以而且应当负担责任,即公民责任的政治合理性、正当性问题。公民责任实质上表现为公民基于权利作为或不作为的自由以及由此而承担的有利或不利的后果。这种对有利或不利后果的负担,实际上暗含着一种国家或社会对公民的强制,这种强制的正当性,源于国家或社会制度的正义性以及公民对国家政治合法性的认同,二者共同构成了公民责任的基础。