彝族习惯法学家登上大学讲坛

在凉山彝族人的法律生活中,人们把操作习惯法、调解处理纠纷的人称为“德古阿莫”。德古是彝族人中有文化、有知识、品德高尚,能言善辩而又有威望的智者,他们是彝族社会的“知识分子”,是掌握彝族文化的一个“阶层”。彝族的神职人员称“毕摩”,不少习惯法的条文记载在毕摩用古彝文写成的经书里,毕摩能够朗读,背诵和诠释,因此毕摩大多是德古。     

论凉山彝族亲属间的对立关系、三角结构及其在纠纷中的作用

凉山彝族人际关系中广泛存在着亲属间的对立关系,这种对立关系在涉及第三方时可形成三角结构,以防止纠纷或达成纠纷的调解。对立关系是调解人调解的资源,也是凉山彝族社会"少讼"的机构性因素,但对立关系容易使纠纷解决过程沦为关系之争。     

凉山彝族习惯法调解制度探析

凉山彝族习惯法调解制度作为彝区群众的纠纷解决方式,在调解主体、调解方式及调解程序上有着鲜明的民族特色.尽管其存在着违法调解,通过调解宣扬等级观念以及阻碍国家法执行等消极因素,但也具有快速解决纠纷、防止事态升级以及调解成功率和执行率高等积极因素.正确对待凉山彝族习惯法调解制度并引导其发挥积极作用,有利于凉山彝区法制建设.     

清代“改土归流”前后的民间纠纷与社会秩序——基于湘西苗疆失范与规范的考量

改土归流前,明代和清初对湘西苗疆民间纠纷的解决机制仍然以民间力量与“苗例”为主;改土归流后到乾嘉苗变,“苗例”成为“官法”处理苗疆民间纠纷的重要补充;乾嘉苗变后至清末,苗疆民间纠纷解决机制仍以民间调解为主,乡约、寨长、族长等民间力量和“神判”方式有效解决了苗疆民间纠纷,“苗官制”则在民间纠纷解决上增加了官方力量,强化了对苗疆社会的控制。三阶段的考察表明,在苗疆社会“失范”与“规范”的反复过程中,清政府灵活运用“官法”和“苗例”解决苗疆民间纠纷,逐渐完成了对湘西苗疆社会秩序的控制,最终将湘西苗疆纳入到国家政治治理体系中。     

少数民族地区公共危机公关研究

少数民族传统纠纷解决的裁判者多为当地的民间权威,纠纷解决的程序通常是非正式的,在纠纷解决过程中广泛运用"调解"结案,纠纷解决通常采用当地的习惯法或规则.当前少数民族地区基层政府危机管理能力存在制度规范与保障能力不到位,组织建设与决策能力有待提高,资源动员与整合能力不强,政策解读能力与执行力弱,问题搜寻与预警能力差等问题.因此要做好少数民族地区公共危机公关,传统纠纷解决机制与国家法互补,建立科学的危机管理组织体系,优化处理机制,加强政策解读能力,强化领导力,强化预警机制,多措施、 合力促进少数民族地区的和谐稳定.     

凉山彝族的家支与德古的结构与功能

本文利用民族学者的凉山彝族社会历史调查报告,从家支组织形态与功能、家支权力结构与德古、社会变迁中的家支与德古三个方面论述彝族家支(血亲社会组织)与德古(权力人物)的结构与功能.笔者认为凉山彝族家支与德古的传统性和现代性并非此消彼长的两个对立物,它们之间的关系是复杂而多面的,传统性不仅具有顽固性,而且会吸收现代性的某些成分从而获得新的生命,家支与德古具有适应社会变迁的能力.传统与现代结合为一种协调的模式,构成了彝族在当代社会的特定民俗.这就是现在凉山彝族农村的地方政治.在当代社会,德古继续扮演什么角色要看他们接受新知识、新的价值观念以及理性权威程度而定.民众在家支上的同质性极高,所以他们不缺乏家支从属感与认同观念,缺乏的是对现代文化的了解,对现代社会的认知,对身处经济极不发达社会的处理方式.     

“真实”与“建构”的二元对立——论国家法与彝族习惯法的断裂与合作

本文借助发生在凉山彝族地区的三个案例,将国家法与习惯法的关系还原到具体情境中去观察和讨论。文章指出,在规范文本乃至法律运作的现实过程中,由于知识系统、价值观念及具体程序性等差异,国家法与彝族习惯法之间的断裂和冲突现实存在;但同时,在纠纷解决活动中,当事人,第三方“德古”甚至包括国家司法机关在内,都并非囿于二元化的思维模式,而是体现出多元化的规范或权威之间相互利用、配合和弥补的趋势。我们需对学术话语所建构的二元分离加以反思,而超越“二元”模式的真正契机往往不是从立法领域,而是从司法及法律实践领域开始的。     

解析当代甘南牧区民间纠纷调解中的藏族部落习惯法

文章以落实中国共产党的民族宗教政策以后甘南牧区碌曲县、夏河县按照藏族部落习惯法处理民间纠纷的案例分析、调解协议为基础,解析藏族部落习惯法在当代甘南牧区民间纠纷调解中的应用范围、处罚制度、调解组织。     

论清代青海民族纠纷解决与社会控制

青海地区是历代中央王朝治边的重心,清代作为多民族国家最为巩固的朝代,当然不能忽视对青海的管辖.由于特殊的民族格局与宗教文化,清代中原王朝对青海的统治仍然遵循着“因俗而治”的统治思想.纠纷解决中社会控制力量在国家权威认同后不断演变,以史料所见,纠纷解决中的社会控制可以分为罚服控制、调解控制、救助控制、弹压控制四种类型,社会控制模式主要有以习惯法为主、民间诉诸于官方、官方依赖于民间的三种方式.     

论纠纷中的“事实”问题——基于彝区两个案例的思考

本文借助两个发生在凉山彝族地区的案件,试图对纠纷解决过程中的＂事实＂问题进行从特别到一般的探讨。在纠纷解决活动中,从＂自然事实＂的发生到＂法律事实＂的认定,不是绝对客观或正确的必然过程,而是由特定社会的文化逻辑所决定的。同时,在基于＂合意＂的纠纷解决过程中,事实因素并非平息矛盾的关键,通过淡化或模糊化事实来促成双方的合意,是纠纷调解活动的重要策略。     

顾彼得《彝族首领》中的彝区及其旅游资源

俄国旅行家顾彼得到过四川大凉山彝区,并在其旅行记《彝族首领》中作了真实的记述。顾彼得在书中多处记述的彝区美景,都是真实的,是今天完全能找到的。文章陈述了顾彼得深入彝区的路线,以及那一时期的旅游自然资源、人文资源和民风民俗,之后用对比的手法分析了彝区自然资源、人文资源的历史变迁和发展。     

中国南方少数民族巫蛊文化中的性爱主题

由于受认识能力的限制和生存环境的影响,在南方少数民族的观念中普遍存在着有关巫蛊的信仰,很多人幻想着通过巫术使异性受到诱惑。这种性爱巫术的表现形式多种多样,而用符咒和某些动植物配置的爱药来激发所恋之人的性爱、性欲和性力则是此种巫术常见的形式。由性爱巫术引申出来的有关“蛊”的迷信思想始终影响着人们的性观念和婚姻关系。     

彝民团对凉山民族工作的影响与作用

中国人民解放军成都军区彝民团从建团到全部使命的完成,走过了一条34年可歌可泣的发展道路,为凉山人民彻底翻身解放和推动凉山经济发展,谱写了无可替代且永不磨灭的历史篇章。然而,由于种种原因,这段军民传奇历史却一直只存留于民间记忆,或散载于州内内部资料而未曾专门公开发表或出版,而鲜为公众所知晓。本文主要在参考梁文英、毛均茹、李仕安和中国科学院等所著文本资料基础上,首次论述彝民团的建立过程及其为推动凉山彝族地区民族工作发展做出巨大贡献。在彝民团发展的岁月里,它经历了扩编和最终撤销的历程,所留下的宝贵经验,为我们探索今后军队与民族工作关系模式提供了重要依据。     

彝族社会中"尔普"形式的变迁

凉山彝族社会中的“尔普”(份子钱 )是一种礼物交换形式。对“尔普”的研究和分析 ,可有助于人们理解凉山彝族社会。“尔普”本来是维系彝族传统社会宗族内部亲属组织的纽带 ,由于文化变迁的原因 ,后来发展出了跨宗族的“尔普”新形式 ,又由于族群互动的原因 ,还产生了跨越族群的“尔普”形式。“尔普”形式的变迁是族群互动下的一种文化变迁形式 ,其动力来源于彝、汉两族的互动关系。彝族社会中“尔普”的变迁形式是人类学关于族群互动下的文化变迁理论的鲜活事例。     

贵州彝族传统情歌（曲谷）的音乐特色

Being one of the most ancient eth-nic groups in China, the ‘Yi’ have a long history and an abundant culture. Yi folk songs, which are widely sung in many regions of China, have vari-ous forms and styles. These folk songs reflect the lengthy history of the Yi society; indeed they ex-press the happiness and misery, the dreams and desires of the Yi people. Within this context, this article focuses on‘Qugu’ which is a unique type of music belonging to the Yi people. In fact most Yi people of Guizhou live in the Wumeng Mountains. In their quest for survival, over time the Yi had developed a series of natural worship rites which became one of the sources of their traditional mu-sic. In addition, Yi people formed a unique way to express their love: in times past they developed a tradition of singing in the mountains and forests as to convey their love to their beloved;the‘Qugu’ is one of these Yi’ s traditional love song genres.‘Qugu’ means ‘singing’ and this genre has its own social functioning. According to traditional Yi culture and habits, a ‘Qugu ’ should not be sung in front of parents, brothers, or other rela-tives;instead it should only be sung in a place sur-rounded by mountains and forests and on certain singing sites, called ‘Guji’(in Yi language). In most of the Yi settlements, such ‘singing sites ’ were placed far away from the villages, sometimes on flat areas and sometimes in the remote wilder-ness, in forests or caves. The singing activities on those special sites took place according to specific rules and calen-dars. During the so-called ‘singing festival’ peri-od ( from the 1 st to the 15 th day of the 1 st lunar month and on the 5th day of the 5th lunar month), the singing performances were particularly magnifi-cent. People of all ages, young and old, would gather together from all directions and would sing without interruption for several days. Moreover , the singing festival also had certain traditional rites ( ceremonies ) . For example, at the very beginning, certain clan elders or prestig-ious singers would offer wine and water to the‘heavens and earth ’ . After this offering, ‘the soul of the song’ was invited. The Yi people tradi-tionally worship nature and believe in animism, so indeed a ‘Qugu’ also has its own ‘soul’ . There-fore, when the singing festival would commence, they would invite the ‘soul of the song’ to come;this custom is called ‘Guyexi’ in the Yi language. The nextritual would be the ‘Guyidai ’ ( in Yi) , which means‘the settling down of the soul of the song’ at the particular singing site. There are lyrics like:‘If there is no settling down of the soul of the song, then when the next spring comes the sil-ver flowers will sever their roots, the golden flowers will sever their roots, and the singing sites cannot be set up ’ . After the settling down of the soul of the song, the next ceremony would be the ‘Gukoupu’ ( in Yi) or ‘opening of the mouth of the song ’:this basically means the ‘opening of the door of love’ and also indicates the formal beginning of‘Qugu’ activity. All of this shows indeed that the rite of‘Qugu’ is not as solemn as other rites, as in fact the lyrics of ‘Qugu ’ are mostly about love af-fairs and romance. When the‘Gukoupu’ ends, the young people can start to freely sing. There are indeed lyrics like: ‘Three young chaps brought three axes and went into three directions of the universe; they chopped three pine trees, sawed off three boards, made three chairs, and placed these facing three di-rections. They invited girls to take a seat; the girls sat down and sang. The girls invited the chaps to take a seat;the chaps sat down and sang’ . When this‘free singing’ begins, an ‘antiph-onal group singing’ starts at the singing site (‘Gu-ji ’ ); males and females take part in this and stand/sit separately as they all sing in antiphonal style. In the middle there is a ‘go-between ’ in charge of coordination, judging, and passing on information. The males and females sing and ob-serve back and forth. During this process, affec-tions may emerge between a certain male and fe-male. If indeed a guy or young lady takes a fancy to another person, he or she will ask the go-be-tween for help. If the counterpart gives a positive response, then the two will leave the group and go elsewhere to talk and sing. During this ‘antiphonal group-singing’ , each group can allow a certain ‘representative ’ to sing solo;this solo should not be a repeat of some song performed by someone from another group. The young males and females thus can each show off their voices by singing songs with free rhyme, sweet melodies, and serious or deep topics. It is easy to see that this ‘antiphonal group singing ’ provided a major means of romantic communication between young Yi men and women. In fact, the number of songs they could sing as well as the technique used in singing these significantly deter-mined one’ s ability to attract the opposite sex. As a consequence, both males and females were strongly committed to learn to sing, trying their best to master more and better songs. Through learning from their predecessors, they made an ef-fort to improve their singing abilities. As said, traditionally at the beginning of the singing festival, ‘the soul of the song’ would be invited; well, likewise at the end of the festival‘the soul of the song’ should be sent away again. The Yi people believed that if they would not send the soul of the song away, the young would be ob-sessed by affections all the time and even lose their minds. Finally, Guizhou Yi ’ s folk music-generally speaking-has a great variety in content, perform-ance locations, forms, and genres. Moreover, due to the regional differences music styles also vary geographically. All of this makes the multi-colored Yi music even more delightful and appealing. Unfortunately, the entire tradition ( ceremo-nies) of the‘Qugu’ as described above, no longer exists today. The singers who still know these pro-cedures are getting old and eventually will forget these rites. This is a big loss for the living tradition of the Yi culture, and it is a source of grief for those who study Yi culture, in China and abroad.     

乐生美学:《那坡彝族开路经》文化功能研究

《那坡彝族开路经》是广西那坡彝族宗教典籍的一种,是一部反映彝族古代社会生活的史诗。《开路经》在历史进程中将那坡彝族自强不息、团结友善、乐观向上的精神特质全面吸纳,又以庄谐统一的故事性内容,文白相生的表现手法和音乐性的展演形式实践着对百姓艺术性的引导和教化,在审美化的宗教文学氛围里,《开路经》实现了慰藉亡灵、教化世人、凝聚族群等文化功能,诠释着那坡彝族追求乐生的美学品质。     

从中国彝族的认同谈族体理论--与郝瑞(Stevan Harrell)教授商榷

近来美国学者郝瑞以四川攀枝花几个彝族支系为例，对中国彝族的认同提出质疑，认为这不符合“族群”的概念，因此彝族的“聚拢”带有任意性。他还从“民族”与“族群”两个概念出发，认为中国并无“族群”概念。本文认为，彝族虽然支系众多，但历来即有认同，新中国的民族识别只是加强了彝族整体的认同性；“民族”与“族群”的概念确有差别，我国以往在翻译和使用上曾将其混用，造成误解，这一问题现已不存在；必须充分利用中国的民族志资料构建族体理论。     

A mind to stay: on encountering the panhandle of Texas

Venturing into unfamiliar territory, reflective travellers struggle to place it as much as to place themselves in it. In this article, the author draws on six nineteenth‐century accounts to examine ways in which that struggle has taken place in and around what is now known as the Texas Panhandle, in southwestern United States. Interplay of political and natural boundaries was characteristic of many twentieth‐century conflicts and continues to inform conflict in the twenty‐first century, so the experience of the Panhandle, which was placed in the context of a series of nineteenth‐century border disputes, may prove instructive.     

彝族本土刑法与国家刑法的司法实践对比分析——以凉山彝族农村人命案司法实践为例

当今世界,主流社会与边缘社会制度的共存与发展问题已经引起学界广泛关注。凉山彝族本土司法体系完备而灵活,至今依旧有效地发挥着秩序规范运行的功能,其中本土刑法制度尤其如此。当下,在乡村彝人的心目中,本土司法依然具有根深蒂固的存在空间和坚实基础。不少彝族民众对本土司法的熟悉和依赖程度,在某些领域远远大于国家法,国家司法、执法机关在当地的适用和执行一直有限。本文采用田野调查、文献检索、综合分析、比较论证等方法专门针对彝族本土刑法与国家刑法在实体法的条款规定、程序操作、刑罚与赔偿等方面作了深入对比与分析,以期寻求展现当地处理刑事案件的最佳本土模式或有效经验,从而为促进凉山彝区民族法治建设提供切实可行的参考依据。     

抗战时期一个彝区土司的边务实践与民情叙述——《倮情述论》中的彝人社会与边疆图景

抗日战争时期,岭光电作为一个兼有彝区土司和军政职务的彝族精英,其《倮情论述》一书所陈述的彝区的边务实践与民情风俗,展现了在国族政治抱负下,彝区精英如何对彝人历史、社会、文化之图景进行重新的组织与呈现。在民族国家的语境下,他的论述获得了时代意义:即让西南边地的人民与现代中国的国家化进程接轨,从而在使国家更为完整的同时,也让边民获得其民族地位与国民权益。岭光电所具备的时代穿透性和空间跨越性,也使得他的边务实践和民情叙述充满了一种宝贵的韧性和灵活性,而这些正是当代社会科学研究所缺乏的。