‘A Common Sense of the Times’? Neo‐liberalism and Changing Public Opinion in New Zealand and the UK

Neo‐liberalism represents a significant and enduring shift in the politics shaping social policy. Although frequently ascribed a hegemonic, all‐powerful status that focuses our attention on the coherence found in neo‐liberal policies, this article builds on scholarly work highlighting variegation in the neo‐liberal project across different policy areas, national settings and time periods. Specifically, it employs Peck's and Tickell's (2002) view that neo‐liberalism has gone through multiple phases in response to both external and internal crises as an entry point for studying neo‐liberalism's impact on public support for the welfare state. Drawing upon New Zealand and British attitudinal data, the article argues that public reactions to an early period of retrenchment (‘roll‐back’ neo‐liberalism) differ from those reported in the ‘roll‐out’ or embedding phase of neo‐liberalism implemented by Third Way Labour Governments in both countries. Indeed, continuing public support in many policy areas arguably contributed to the internal crisis that provoked an adaptation to the neo‐liberal project. The article further explores public support for the welfare state following the external crisis provoked by the financial meltdown of 2008–09 asking whether New Zealand and British attitudes showed signs of resisting austerity measures or whether they, instead, indicated a third, ‘roll‐over’ period of neo‐liberalism where the public accepted not only a neo‐liberal economic agenda but also the need for further retrenchment of the welfare state. Conclusions about the politics of social policy at the level of public opinion offer both good and bad news for welfare state advocates.     

Radical change or more of the same? Public attitudes towards social citizenship in New Zealand since neoliberal reform

International empirical evidence, including that from Australia, suggests that neoliberal reform has not changed public attitudes towards the social rights of citizenship as much as one might predict. But do these international findings hold true for New Zealand, whose institutions were more rapidly transformed by neoliberal reform than similar countries? Drawing upon public opinion data regarding economic protectionism and the welfare state over the past two decades, this paper argues that while some significant changes have emerged there is no overwhelming evidence of a paradigmatic shift in public attitudes towards social citizenship rights as a result of New Zealand's neoliberal reform. Indeed, New Zealand's experience appears as ambiguous and ambivalent as that of Australia, albeit different policy and historical settings have produced some differences in public attitudes.     

Trust,distrust, and the end of politics-as-we-knew-it: the mood of the nation prior to election 2017

ABSTRACT

New Zealand’s party-political system has, in the past, undergone significant transformations. And recent political events around the world have been marked by anti-establishment distrust, electoral disruption and the rise of populist parties. So the present article asks if this country could be on the verge of similar disruption, and whether there is a mood among the public that could precipitate a phase of populism. An online survey run in May 2017 by Stuff.co.nz and Massey University (supported by comparable opinion polls) is used to investigate this. In spite of significant levels of dissatisfaction and desire for changes, the survey did not reveal a mood for disruptive or systemic political change in the short term. Nonetheless, political fragmentation of the kind seen in proportional systems in Europe could occur in New Zealand in the long term.     

Moral dialogs and public opinion research

Etzioni’s article is thought provoking, and contains a series of arguments that would be useful lines of inquiry for scholars of public opinion. In many ways, these ideas link to, and can enrich existing areas of research on opinion formation, opinion change, and political behavior more broadly. Specifically, the elite vs. mass nature of these dialogs, the extent to which they are actual political discussions, and the impact of polarization on them are avenues where these ideas can inform broader understandings of public opinion, and vice versa. Etzioni’s arguments about the role of morals in political discussion and as agents of opinion change warrant further inquiry.     

Maori and the New Zealand values survey: The importance of research relationships

Abstract

Requirements for non‐Maori researchers to consult with Maori compete with “by Maori for Maori” research agendas. Nevertheless, Maori provide varying forms of consultation, with Maori perspectives rarely being entered into the literature. Following an invitation from the Centre for Social Health Outcomes Research and Evaluation (SHORE), members of the Whariki Research Group agreed to take a consultative role, providing Maori input into the New Zealand Values Survey 2004. After initial examination of the survey instrument and follow‐up on previous consultation with Maori, Whariki's main role focused on questions relevant to the Treaty of Waitangi (signed in 1840 between the United Kingdom and Maori) and to Maori. The questions and related findings were of particular salience in the context of ongoing controversy and challenges to the status of the Treaty in New Zealand and to the position of Maori. Here we describe research processes and relationships and present the findings with reference to their social and political implications.     

New Zealanders returning from overseas: how their experiences of xenophobia could help us respond to superdiversity

ABSTRACT

This article draws on qualitative interview data with 42 New Zealanders returning to New Zealand after living overseas, finding they feel more like a ‘migrant’ than someone coming ‘home’. This is in part because New Zealand people and institutions demonstrate an intolerance to difference, theorised here as a form of xenophobia that inhibits the economic, social and political integration of participants. However, the same experiences and ideas that lead many New Zealanders to frame returnees as an ‘out-group’ can be regarded as a national resource. The article concludes that we should embrace – not ignore or disparage – returnees' awareness of integration issues, transnational networks and cross-cultural experiences as we attempt to maintain social cohesion in an increasingly superdiverse world.     

Changing policy,changing attitudes? Public opinion on employment relations in New Zealand, 1990–2008

Abstract

Did significant policy shifts in employment relations in the 1990s lead to equally large changes in the attitudes of New Zealanders towards employment relations? Have policy modifications made since 1999 further shaped public perceptions? This paper explores the role of policy feedback in influencing public opinion towards employers and unions and towards government responsibility for jobs and wages. Using data from New Zealand public opinion surveys, most notably the New Zealand Election Study (1990–2008), the paper finds some evidence that policy feedback has occurred in the employment relations arena, but the impact is not as strong or consistent as we might expect. As such, New Zealanders do not completely endorse the ‘there is no alternative’ arguments of neoliberalism, but they do not have an overwhelming desire to return to Keynesian demand-management employment policies.     

European technology and the New Zealand Maori economy: 1769–1840

The paper argues that the introduction of European technology to the New Zealand Maori prior to colonization in 1840 did not result in the collapse of their culture. New technologies were adopted in the context of their traditional valuing. Iron tools, white potatoes, agricultural technology and firearms were all integrated into Maori livelihood, and resulted in change in Maori society and economy. The change, though, was not preordained by the new technologies. New technologies led to new alternatives, but the adopted technologies was adapted by the Maori to their social processes.     

Minding the minister? Ministerial advisers in New Zealand government

Abstract

In recent years, political advisers have been in the spotlight in a number of Westminster nations. A surprising feature of the literature, however, is the relative lack of empirical attention paid to advisers themselves. Moreover, researchers have tended to focus on the accountability issues raised by the conduct of political staff at the expense of other significant matters, including advisers’ views of their influence on the policy process and on relations between ministers and public servants.

This article seeks to redress those gaps. Drawing on data from a survey of New Zealand's ministerial advisers, it describes the activities advisers engage in, and sets out advisers’ views on their contribution to the policy process, their bearing on relationships between ministers and officials, and the state of their own relations with public servants. It concludes that the ministerial adviser's role in the executive branch of New Zealand government is more varied and comprehensive than is frequently assumed.     

新西兰参加英布战争的原因、表现与影响

爆发于1899年至1902年结束的英布战争是一场具有多重意义的世纪之战,它不仅改变了英国的海外扩张格局和布尔人及南非的命运,也对参战国产生了深刻影响。出于与英国的特殊关系、自身安全的需要、对南非政局判断的偏差以及国内反战力量薄弱等方面的因素,新西兰成为第一个参战的英殖民地国家,并从军事、医疗、教育和物资保障等方面积极援助英国。新西兰的参战及其表现导致其国内的爱国主义思想空前高涨、妇女社会地位明显提高,与英国的关系却日趋疏远,直至彻底自治独立。     

帝都，国都，故都--近代北京的空间政治与文化表征（1898-1937）

近代北京的空间变迁与当时政治、文化背景密切相关。从帝都到国都再到故都,在城市现代化的历史进程中,北京政治地位、城市身份的变化与文化传统影响了城市空间变迁的路径。帝都空间结构的解构,国都的空间开放、公共空间的开辟、消费和娱乐空间的转型,故都的文化游览中心建设,都受北京特定政治环境与文化传统影响。北京保守的政治观念与地域文化传统抑制了其现代化改造,使近代北京呈现出传统与现代相交叠的空间形态。     

平等的张力与诉求——马歇尔公民资格理论及对中国构建和谐社会的启示

1949年英国社会学家马歇尔提出了公民资格理论,认为公民资格权利由公民权利、政治权利和社会权利构成,并详细描述了英国公民资格的发展历程,认为英国公民权利的发展呈现了线性发展的特征,“公民权利变成了集体谈判的基础,政治权利促进了公众舆论和国民意识,从而公民权利和政治权利的使用增强了争取社会权利的压力性.”新中国成立后,我国公民资格权利的发展经历了一个曲折的过程.改革开放前,国家与社会高度重合,社会各领域都受到政治国家的支配,公民资格权利难有实质性进展.改革开放后公民资格的三种权利都取得了长足发展和进步.我国正处在市场经济建设的关键时期,借鉴马歇尔的公民资格理论,在差异化的市场过程中,不断通过多元化的努力寻求公民资格平等的价值主张,是我们当前建设和谐社会的不竭动力.     

Towards a critical discourse analysis of New Zealand security policy in Afghanistan

ABSTRACT

Rather than ask why New Zealand supported the intervention, this paper focuses on how representations of New Zealand and the international terrorist threat resulted in public acquiescence to a pre-emptive strike by the world's sole superpower against one of the poorest, most war-torn countries in the world. The paper concludes that legitimacy was achieved through the blending of themes of terrorism and war, national interest and democracy, rule of law and human rights, to produce an ambiguous ‘international campaign against terrorism’ that allowed for picking and choosing of the most convenient position on different matters. The alternative—to refuse moral and material support for the United States-led ‘war on terror’—was to risk New Zealand's membership of the United States-led international community and a ‘seat at the table’ in future international trade and security negotiations. As such, any campaign benefits appear to have accrued to New Zealand rather than Afghanistan or the Afghan people, especially given the parlous state of that country in 2018. A wide-ranging debate within New Zealand on the purpose of such interventions is needed before similar commitments are made in the future.     

Past and Present: Reflections on Citizenship within New Zealand

The paper discusses historical and emerging dimensions of citizenship within Aotearoa/New Zealand. Drawing on Turner's work, it explores the utility of Marshallian distinctions of civil, political and social citizenship. These evolutionary notions are seen as problematic, given the historical treatment of the Chinese community, and the abrogation of the Treaty of Waitangi with respect to European–Maori relationships. Ideas of the "worker citizen", "military citizen" and "parent citizen" are discussed in relation to historical foundations of entitlement and their contemporary challenges. Considerations include a shift to non-standard employment, reconceptualization of New Zealand's role as a Pacific nation, and demographic and value shifts. The non-governmental sector as a "fourth" route to entitlement is examined, including notions of community capacity-building with particular respect to Maori. The paper concludes with a commentary on current debates around the nature and shape of New Zealand nationality, identity and citizenship. Ecological debates include the use and guardianship of natural resources and the opposition of public opinion to genetic modification. Indigenous developments include the assertion of Treaty rights by Maori in relation to land, language and economic and social development. Cultural dimensions include the changing population structure as reflected in the growth of Pacific Island nations, Asian populations and the refugee community. The interplay of these ecological, indigenous and cultural dimensions will help define emergent citizenships for Aotearoa/New Zealand in the twenty-first century.     

Importing Workfare: Policy Transfer of Social and Labour Market Policies from the USA to Britain under New Labour

Britain's New Labour government has put welfare reform at the top of its political agenda. It has followed a radical “workfare” agenda in relation to labour and social market policies and no longer aims to secure full employment mainly through direct job creation or Keynesian demand management. Instead, it promotes equal opportunity for all based on a contract between benefits claimants and the employment service. The New Deal is at the heart of British activation programmes for the unemployed. American policy paradigms have influenced the design of the New Deal. Policy transfer in activation policies from the USA to Britain is due to institutional similarities in British and American welfare states on the one hand, and to the comparable structure of their labour markets on the other hand. The influence of the European social model on British labour market policies thus remains limited.     

Framing public policy: The impacts of political sophistication and nature of public policy

This empirical research investigates how political sophistication moderates framing effects on public opinion and attitudes. It explores when framing effects occur and who could be immune to such framing. Experimental results with multivariate analyses indicate that political sophistication enhances or reduces framing effects in shaping public views and stances, subject to the nature of public policy. When a public policy is promoted that is perceived as an easy issue, framing effects are significant for individuals who are less politically sophisticated. Alternatively, when a hard issue is presented, opposite results are observed. Framing effects are insignificant in promoting an ideological issue regardless of a person's political sophistication.     

‘Going through the doors of pain’: asylum seeker and Convention refugee experiences in Aotearoa New Zealand

A qualitative study by ChangeMakers Refugee Forum and the National Refugee Network of the experiences of 18 Convention refugees has highlighted that the standards of safety and protection that Aotearoa New Zealand is obliged to extend to Convention refugees are inadequately met; most notably that there is a significant disparity between United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees quota refugees and Convention refugees, despite there being no distinction between the two within the 1951 Refugee Convention. Themes relating to participants' experiences of destitution, discrimination, and the deterioration of their physical and mental health during the process of seeking asylum and protection emerged from the study. Lack of resources, information and insufficient policies amounts to a lack of security and protection for Convention refugees in Aotearoa New Zealand, revealing an environment where funding, collaboration, and political and public goodwill are minimal.     

英国新左派运动及其当代审视——迈克尔·肯尼教授访谈录

英国新左派运动发端于1956年,随后在20世纪60年代中期发生分裂,退化为一个团结在《新左派评论》杂志周围的知识分子小团体,并在20世纪70年代以后走向终结。虽然作为政治运动的新左派历时短暂,但它仍为当代英国政治留下了一些重要的间接遗产。20世纪90年代初期以来,对新左派历史的研究日渐兴起。     

Pope John Paul II and Catholic Opinion Toward the Death Penalty and Abortion*

Objective. Research on opinion leadership examines the convergence of opinion between elites and masses on issues of public policy. I examine the confluence of opinion between Pope John Paul II and American Catholics on the death penalty and legalized abortion. Method. I use data from three nationally representative opinion surveys and one statewide survey conducted prior to John Paul's death. Results. The results support the supposition that Catholics who esteemed the pope are more negative in their evaluations of the death penalty and abortion. Conclusions. John Paul II, as leader of the Catholic Church, may have influenced Catholic opinion on political issues.     

Religion and relief: the role of religion in mobilizing civil society against global poverty

Abstract

Although global poverty is one of the world's most pressing contemporary problems, there is a lack of political will to address it, and much of the work is left to non-governmental organizations (NGOs)-many of which have religious connections. However, religion's role in this area is surprisingly understudied. In attempting to fill the gap, this study explores what makes religion effective in mobilizing civil society actors to engage in transnational poverty relief and development. The paper examines the salience of religious actors in the field, before developing a theoretical framework to explain this prevalence, employing sociologically based theories of religious social capital, content, and cultural power. Finally, these issues are investigated practically through case studies of two religious NGOs, World Vision New Zealand (WVNZ) and TEAR Fund New Zealand. The findings corroborate the theoretical framework, demonstrating the considerable potential of religion to mobilize civil society in the fight against global poverty.