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1.
Legislation regarding the legalization of same-sex marriages has been advocated for and opposed across distinct states in the United States. Claims makers on either side of the issue have attempted to have their voices heard in local and national newspapers. Newspaper personnel determine how to frame the issue, deciding which meanings associated with same-sex marriage will be highlighted and which will go unrepresented. This paper analyzes the media framing of Proposition 8 in California, a voter initiative prohibiting same-sex marriage, comparing frames across three newspapers: one local to California, the San Francisco Chronicle, and two national, the New York Times and the Washington Post. The paper illustrates shifts in frames from May 2008 to August 2010, a time period extending from the vote on the initiative through two court challenges. Overall, the results indicate that these newspapers more frequently frame same-sex marriage as a civil rights issue and that those attempting to block same-sex marriage do so as a function of discrimination. Less frequently, they frame same-sex marriage as a threat to heterosexual marriage. The findings show that the frequency with which the frames appear shift across newspapers as well as the time period of study.  相似文献   

2.
This content analytic study investigated the approaches of two mainstream newspapers—The New York Times and the Chicago Tribune—to cover the gay marriage issue. The study used the Massachusetts legitimization of gay marriage as a dividing point to look at what kinds of specific political or social topics related to gay marriage were highlighted in the news media. The study examined how news sources were framed in the coverage of gay marriage, based upon the newspapers’ perspectives and ideologies. The results indicated that The New York Times was inclined to emphasize the topic of human equality related to the legitimization of gay marriage. After the legitimization, The New York Times became an activist for gay marriage. Alternatively, the Chicago Tribune highlighted the importance of human morality associated with the gay marriage debate. The perspective of the Chicago Tribune was not dramatically influenced by the legitimization. It reported on gay marriage in terms of defending American traditions and family values both before and after the gay marriage legitimization.  相似文献   

3.
Political ideology is related to public policy formulation in a scholarly and systematic manner with surprising rarity. This article describes the use of newspaper and journal of opinion editorials as barometers of ideological content and signed digraphs as devices for hypothesis formulation regarding ideological change. Policy formulation for incomes policies in the Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon administrations and abortion from the 1930s to the present are used to illustrate the utility of these approaches.  相似文献   

4.
Saudi Arabia is considered as one of the most conservative countries in the world with regards to the role of religion in shaping national politics. We use a history of Saudi Arabia and British imperialist policy to contextualize the framing of religion in news coverage of Saudi Arabia in The London Times between 1927 and 1937 to uncover themes that were available to British readers before and after recognizing Saudi Arabia as a nation on September 23, 1932. We found that religious fundamentalism was part of this coverage, providing one potential media framework for understanding Saudi Arabia that is consistent with current coverage and discussions. We also found instances of favorable framing of events and individuals, which seemed to intensify after Saudi Arabia's recognition as a nation.  相似文献   

5.
University diversity policy in the past two decades has shifted from rationales that focused on social justice to ones that emphasize educational excellence [Lipson, D. (2007, Fall). Embracing diversity: The institutionalization of affirmative action as diversity management at UC-Berkeley, UT-Austin, and UW-Madison. Law & Social Inquiry, 32(4), 985–1026; Moreno, J. F., Smith, D. G., Parker, S., Clayton-Pedersen, A. R., & Teraguchi, D. H. (2006). Using multiple lenses: An examination of the economic and racial/ethnic diversity of college students. Report from the James Irvine Foundation Campus Diversity Initiative; Moses, M. S., & Chang, M. J. (2006). Toward a deeper understanding of the diversity rationale. Educational Researcher, 35(1), 6–11; Skrenty, J. D. (2002). The minority rights revolution. Princeton University Press]. The consensus among diversity scholars is that this shift has taken place as a result of Federal court decisions restricting the use of affirmative action in admissions. This paper sheds new light on these shifts in rationale by proposing a new theory of frame evolution. I developed this, an extension to Snow et al.’s [Snow, D. A., et al. (1986). Frame alignment processes, micromobilization, and movement participation. American Sociological Review, 51(4), 464–481] theory of frame alignment, as a way to show how policy discourses evolve to accommodate changing demands. I argue that policy frames tend to evolve in a sequential pattern of accommodation, consolidation, and bridging. In-depth interview data with 41 diversity advocates at four public universities in the United States reveal three stages in the frame evolution process: the first motivated by a need to accommodate existing institutional norms, the second motivated by a need to build a core constituency of supporters, and the third with the aim of converting those “on the fence” into policy supporters. In the case of higher education diversity policy, the three stages equate to a maintenance frame, a social justice frame, and an excellence frame.  相似文献   

6.
Objective. In this article we address two questions raised by the literature on the structure of foreign policy beliefs. First, has the end of the Cold War brought about any major changes in these belief systems? Second, how do ideology and economic interests shape these beliefs? Methods. We analyze data from a 1996 survey of U.S. presidential campaign contributors conducted by the Ray Bliss Center to determine the foreign policy belief systems of contributors. We then compare those results to the belief systems found in a 1988 survey of contributors. Results. We find that Cold War belief systems are quite durable. There was surprisingly little change in the structure or content of contributors' foreign policy beliefs between 1988 and 1996. We also find that both ideology and economic interests help shape these beliefs and examine the circumstances under which each of these two considerations appears to have the most important effects. Conclusions. Policymakers face new challenges since the end of the Cold War, but domestic political elites still approach foreign policy with a Cold War perspective. Also, although ideology is very important in determining how individuals think about foreign policy, material interests also make a difference for campaign contributors.  相似文献   

7.
Knowledge and consumption of the fine arts were once considered symbolic of upper class standing. As cultural production has expanded, fine art products in various guises have become accessible to more people across the socioeconomic spectrum. This article looks at how the New York Times covered the American art scene in the 1950s and between 2000 and 2009 to investigate whether reporting has maintained a knowledge-based approach that provides evidence for the continuation of class status as it relates to writing about the arts. We argue that critics and reporters have used fungibility, social hierarchies, and disinterested language during these two time periods to maintain the role of the fine arts as a marker of social distinction.  相似文献   

8.
The paper examines the economic effects of labeling food nanotechnology products using an analytical framework of heterogeneous consumers and imperfectly competitive suppliers. Labeling results in increased costs for nanofood producers (the cost effect of the labeling policy), reduced consumer uncertainty regarding the nature of the food product (certainty effect), and can affect consumer attitudes towards nanofoods by being perceived as a warning signal (stigma effect). In this context, nanofood labeling can change the perceived quality differences between nanofoods and their conventional and organic counterparts, with such changes being more salient when the stigma effect is large, when consumers have low awareness of food nanotechnology in the absence of labeling, and/or when competition among nanofood suppliers is more intense. Despite its empirical relevance, the impact of a labeling policy on consumer preferences (and the economic ramifications of such impact) has largely been ignored by the theoretical literature on the economics of labels. Our analysis shows that it matters. Specifically, our study shows that the market and welfare effects of labeling are case-specific and dependent on consumer awareness of, and attitudes towards food nanotechnology before and after the introduction of the policy as well as the relative magnitude of the cost, certainty and stigma effects of nanofood labeling. Our analytical findings also suggest that the effects of nanofood labels on consumer welfare are asymmetric with certain groups of consumers benefiting even when labeling has a stigma effect on nanofoods.  相似文献   

9.
This article addresses the issue of policy change and its consequences on the organizational field and institutional context, looking at the role of an instrument transfer process. We adopt a political sociology approach to policy instruments to account for the impact that the introduction of a securitarian instrument, the mayoral order, had on the implementation process of a social policy. Through a genealogy of the instrument we identify a constitutive, normative and cognitive dimension. Our aim is to explain the interaction between these institutional dimensions, the re‐definition of the organizational field of the policy, and the dynamics of metropolitan politics. Following a synthesis of the policy process and the institutional arrangements where the policy is implemented, we show how the instrument transfer triggered a division within the organizational field, and the rise of institutional tensions amongst local authorities. In the conclusion, we identify the institutional dimensions of the instruments and the policy implementation scale as elements that are to interact with public‐private relationships and institutional arrangements, and that have an impact on implementation process and policy outcome.  相似文献   

10.
Discussions of science in the news often revolves around issues such as reporter–scientist relationships, how an issue was covered, or how certain issues are chosen among a myriad of possible topics. The aim of this project is to compare coverage between technological stories to evaluate journalistic practices over an extended period of time. Using the journalists-as-interpretive-communities perspective, we argue that New York Times coverage of food technologies over the past century has actually changed very little as the same types of experts and claimsmakers are quoted, trajectories of the coverage are similar, and the cultural resources used within the stories have not shifted to some new form of journalism. We focus on debates surrounding milk pasteurization, food irradiation, and biotechnology.  相似文献   

11.
《Journal of Policy Modeling》2021,43(6):1181-1203
India’s Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) is the largest public-works based rural livelihood programme in the world. One of the important policy objectives of the Scheme is to curb rural out-migration by guaranteeing demand-driven employment opportunities for 100 days in a year in rural areas. This paper uses a large sample survey-based nationally representative data set and different probability models to investigate how MGNREGS influences individuals’ seasonal rural out-migration decisions. The results reveal that contrary to the policy objective, participation, the extent of participation and earnings from the Scheme increases an individual’s propensity to out-migrate. However, the Scheme serves broader and equally critical socio-economic goals of empowerment through income security and positive network effects. MGNREGS, on the one hand, significantly drives the decisions of aspirational migration of rural individuals, particularly females and the relatively advantaged. On the other, it curbs distress migration of the relatively disadvantaged by providing them with basic livelihood opportunities within the rural areas. Based on the findings, the paper draws several policy implications and discusses key policy imperatives towards expanding the scale and scope of the public-works Scheme.  相似文献   

12.
We propose a compact analytical model for estimation of the size of hidden economy (H), using two input variables: total electricity consumption in the country and the gross domestic product.An analytical expression has been obtained for H, as explicit function of n (year), and two parameters: H(0) (the size of hidden economy in the base year (n = 0)), and the parameters μ (the elasticity for electricity consumption with respect to the gross domestic product) and r (relative efficiency of the hidden economy compared to the regular economy).We show that the size of hidden economy can be effectively estimated based on the variations of energy consumption. Using the results for the case of Macedonia we identify several oscillations attributed to dramatic events and suggest policy approach responding to external shocks generating hidden economy rather that to generally adopted factors (e.g. taxation).  相似文献   

13.
What criteria should we use in deciding whether to accept any empirical statement as being true? A popular theory suggests that we should assign subjective probabilities to all possible statements representing alternative answers to any given question; and should assign cognitive utilities to acceptance and to nonacceptance of each statement in case it is true, and also in case it is false. Then, as to acceptance or nonacceptance of all these statements we should adopt that particular policy that would maximize our expected utility. This paper will propose an alternative Bayesian theory of acceptance for empirical statements, which will make no use of special cognitive utilities. It will be argued that the new theory will avoid the paradoxes created by some other theories of acceptance and will help us in resolving some important philosophical problems.  相似文献   

14.
The FUGI (Futures of Global Interdependence) global modeling system has been developed as a scientific policy modeling and future simulation tool of providing global information to the human society and finding out possibilities of policy co-ordination among countries in order to achieve sustainable development of the global economy co-existing on the planet Earth in the ever changing universe. The FUGI global model M200 classifies the world into 200 countries/regions where each national/regional model is globally interdependent. Each national/regional model has nine subsystems as population, foods, energy, environment, economic development, peace and security, human right, healthcare and quality of life (IT revolution). This is a super complex dynamic system model using integrated multidisciplinary systems analysis where number of structural equations is over 170,000. Economic model as a core includes major economic variables such as production of GDP, employment, expenditures of GDP, income distribution, prices, money, interest rates and financial assets, government finance, international balance of payments, international finance, foreign exchange rates and development indicators.The purpose of this article is twofold, namely to provide information on a new frontier science of economics: global model simulation as well as appropriate policy exercise for sustainable development of the interdependent global economy. The world economy is facing “green” energy revolution to change from fossil to create alternative energy and energy saving technology against sky rocketing higher oil prices. Japan takes a lead in this field of technology innovation. Under such circumstances, Japan should take an initiative to create a new peaceful world through not only harmonized adjustments of Japanese economic policy but also wise cosmic mind to promote human solidarity with the ever changing nature will be desirable to adjust orbit of the fluctuated global economy. Japan should challenge for a new strategy to accelerate economic growth rates by “CO2 reducing environment investment” based on technology innovations.  相似文献   

15.
There has been limited empirical research on the interaction between media influence and governments' decision-making in the social policy field. Drawing on a wider study of the ideation of poverty in South Korea, this research tests if policy ideas represented in the media have bottom-up framing effects on policymaking and can be a reliable indicator of the government's social policy efforts. This study analysed the editorials of major Korean daily newspapers, over the period of a decade from 2000 to 2009. The analysis outcomes identified a significant correlation between the extent of poverty discussions in the media and government welfare spending.  相似文献   

16.
Monetary policy in Nigeria aims is to achieve price and monetary stability. During the 1980s and 1990s, monetary targeting was the dominant monetary policy framework in Nigeria. However, in 2006 the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) adopted the new monetary policy framework through which short-term interest rates are adjusted to achieve stability in the value of the domestic currency. This paper has presented an empirical investigation into the demand for Nigerian real narrow money (M1) over the period 1960–2008 in an attempt to identify whether the CBN were right to adopt the new monetary policy framework. In doing so, we estimate alternative (canonical and extended) specifications of M1 demand using structural change methods. Our results suggest that the canonical specification is well-determined. Although the money demand relationship went through a regime shift in 1986, it is largely stable. These findings favour the use of supply of money as an instrument of monetary policy, thus lending limited support for the new monetary policy framework.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

The Children Future Education and the Development Accounts (CFEDAs) are the first anti-poverty policy in Taiwan developed to provide incentives for the poor to accumulate assets for their future. Using CFEDAs as an example, this article analyses the process of developing and implementing an asset-based policy. It begins with an introduction to the policy structure. It then reviews the history of how the innovative idea of building assets for the poor became a policy proposal before presenting the convergence of three policy streams driving the prioritisation of CFEDAs in Taiwan’s policy agenda. It concludes with challenges facing the policy implementation.  相似文献   

18.
This paper explores the formation of groups within the framework of the population ecology literature. Specifically, I argue that newly formed groups’ target membership bases and policy agendas will become more focused as the density of interest groups in a population increases, though groups will not necessarily continue this focused trend once the density of the population has reached its upper limits. To test this theory, I utilize Nownes’ [Nownes, A. J. (2004). The population ecology of interest group formation: Mobilizing for gay and lesbian rights in the United States, 1950–1998. British Journal of Political Science, 34, 49–67] dataset on the population ecology of gay and lesbian rights groups and a typology of groups that Bosso [Bosso, C. J. (2005). Environment, Inc.: From Grassroots to Beltway. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas] used in explaining the focus of environmental rights groups. I find that as the population of gay and lesbian groups became more dense, the groups that formed tended to narrow down their potential membership populations. However, the results were different for a newly formed group's policy agenda. While niche seeking occurred during the rapid growth of groups in the 1970s and the early 1980s, groups that formed after growth leveled off in the mid-1980s balanced their agendas between being too broad and too narrow. This important finding indicates that niche seeking does not always occur in very dense interest populations.  相似文献   

19.
Harry Cocks 《Social history》2016,41(3):267-284
The common law offence of conspiracy to corrupt public morals has a long though controversial history in English law. It was a charge mainly employed against obscenity, procuring prostitution, keeping a disorderly house, public indecency and public mischief. These could be interpreted by the courts as facets of a single offence known as conspiracy to corrupt public morals. The charge was used intermittently in the twentieth century, mainly against the arrangement of prostitution and ‘disorderly houses’ used by homosexual men. It was applied again in 1960 in the Ladies Directory case and was subsequently used against gay men who advertised for friends and partners in the underground magazine International Times (IT). The prosecution of IT was based on the legal principle that certain forms of ‘outrageously immoral’ conduct were in themselves corrupting of public morals, whether such conduct was legal or not. This principle placed male homosexuality in the legal category of ‘unlawful’ or ‘wrongful’ acts. In that sense, even after the decriminalization of homosexuality between men in 1967, it still had an uncertain legal status. Conspiracy to corrupt public morals cast a shadow over early attempts to create a gay civil society that was partly based on magazines and personal advertising. For conservative critics of the 1967 Act, conspiracy charges had the useful effect of curtailing public expressions of homosexuality.  相似文献   

20.
This article examines the determinants of public support for state tax and expenditure initiatives in Washington and Oregon during the 1993 elections. Both states had initiatives on their November ballots dealing with taxes and expenditures—Measure 1 in Oregon, which would have introduced a state sales tax, and two initiatives in Washington (I-601 and I-602) concerning state government revenue and expenditure limitations. Using statewide mail and telephone surveys conducted among voting age residents of Oregon and Washington several weeks prior to the election, this study examines the determinants of public support for each of the initiatives. The determinants of support examined include various sociodemographic factors such as age cohort, gender, education, level of income, and occupational sector (public v. private); the level of informedness concerning each initiative; perceptions of self interest; and various political indicators, including partisan identification, ideology, degree of cynicism concerning state politics, and perceptions of state budget waste. Findings suggest similar patterns of support and opposition among citizens in both states, with perceptions of high state waste and political cynicism strongly associated with support for tax and expenditure limitation in Washington and opposition to the adoption of a sales tax in Oregon.  相似文献   

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