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1.
Researchers have theorized a relationship between interracial and same-sex unions, but little empirical work has been done to substantiate this connection. This study examines whether individuals who engage in interracial dating are more likely to express support for both same-sex marriage and civil unions, net of sociodemographic and ideological controls. Data are taken from Wave 2 of the Baylor Religion Survey. Ordered logit regression models are estimated in order to examine the relationship between interracial romance and support for same-sex unions, net of various controls such as attribution of sexual orientation, political ideology, and religious conservatism. Analyses reveal that individuals who have engaged in interracial romance are more supportive of same-sex marriage and civil unions. Further research should be conducted to provide a more robust causal understanding of the link between interracial dating and one's attitudes toward same-sex unions.  相似文献   

2.
Objective: Several recent studies have investigated the consequences of racial intermarriage for marital stability. None of these studies properly control for first-order racial differences in divorce risk, therefore failing to appropriately identify the effect of intermarriage. Our article builds on an earlier generation of studies to develop a model that appropriately identifies the consequences of crossing racial boundaries in matrimony. Methods: We analyze the 1995 and 2002 National Survey of Family Growth using a parametric event-history model called a sickle model. To appropriately identify the effect of interracial marriage we use the interaction of wife's race and husband's race. Results: We find elevated divorce rates for Latino/white intermarriages but not for black/white intermarriages. Seventy-two percent of endogamous Latino marriages remain intact at 15 years, but only 58 percent of Latino husband/white wife and 64 percent of white husband/Latina wife marriages are still intact. Conclusions: We have identified an important deficiency in previous studies and provide a straightforward resolution. Although higher rates of Latino/white intermarriage may indicate more porous group boundaries, the greater instability of these marriages suggests that these boundaries remain resilient.  相似文献   

3.
Objective. The goal of this article is to analyze the relationship between religion, measured in terms of religious affiliation and religiosity, and public opinion about same‐sex marriage, civil unions, and a federal constitutional amendment that would prohibit gay marriage. Methods. We use logistic regression with calculated standardized coefficients to analyze data from a nationally representative survey of 1,610 respondents conducted in March–April 2004. Results. Religious variables perform better than demographic measures in models of attitudes about same‐sex unions. Non‐Protestants are much more likely to support same‐sex unions than are Protestants, and individuals with conservative attitudes toward morality and secularism and (to a lesser extent) those who participate actively in religious life are more likely to oppose such unions. On the whole, religious variables play a weaker role in predicting support for a constitutional amendment to prevent gay marriage than they do in predicting attitudes toward same‐sex unions. Conclusions. Religious variables play powerful roles in structuring attitudes about same‐sex unions. Moreover, homosexuality appears to be a major component of the “moral values” discourse that is currently so popular in American politics.  相似文献   

4.
This research examines how multiracial individuals chose to identify themselves with respect to their racial identity and how this choice relates to their self-reported psychological well-being (e.g., self-esteem, positive affect) and level of social engagement (e.g., citizenship behaviors, group alienation). High school students who belong to multiple racial/ethnic groups (N = 182) were asked to indicate the group with which they primarily identify. Participants were then classified as identifying with a low-status group (i.e., Black or Latino), a high-status group (i.e., Asian or White), or multiple groups (e.g., Black and White, etc.). Results showed that, compared with multiracial individuals who identified primarily with a low- or high-status group, those who identified with multiple groups tended to report either equal or higher psychological well-being and social engagement. Potential explanations and implications for understanding multiracial identity are discussed.  相似文献   

5.
2004年以来,北京市的离婚总量持续上升,粗离婚率和离结率在全国均居于中等偏上的位次,其中在民政部门登记离婚的比重逐年提高.基于2004-2011年北京市登记离婚数据的分析表明,男性和女性的平均离婚年龄、平均婚后年数相比上世纪90年代初均有较大推迟;离婚者的年龄结构近年也出现较大变化,30岁以下年轻人和50岁以上中老年人的离婚率以及在离婚总量中所占比重均有明显上升趋势;平均婚后年数在3年以内和21年以上的离婚夫妇的数量和比重也呈增长态势.  相似文献   

6.
Support for marriage as an institution in Russian society remains very strong, although divorce is becoming more frequent. Reasons for wishing to divorce are a mix of economic, social, and personal factors, and divorce is no longer perceived as something that is extremely negative and unacceptable.  相似文献   

7.
王杰  李姚军 《社会》2023,43(2):210-233
本文利用2018年“中国家庭追踪调查”(CFPS)数据,使用对数线性模型,分析了1978~2018年家庭背景与自身教育在择偶过程中地位交换的性别与时期差异。研究发现,在跨越出身阶层与自身教育地位的异质婚中,夫妻一方会利用自身的相对教育地位优势交换另一方的相对出身阶层优势,这支持了地位交换论。1978~1991年结婚的夫妻中,女性更多通过相对教育优势交换男性的相对出身优势。随着时间的推移,出身阶层与教育在择偶过程中的地位交换强度不断增强,但更多体现在男性通过自身相对教育优势交换女性相对出身优势的婚配模式上,而女性的这一婚配模式呈先降后升趋势。可见,随着时代变迁,家庭背景在女性的向上婚姻流动中扮演着越来越重要的角色。  相似文献   

8.
Trends in the remarriage of divorced persons in New Zealand since World War Two are examined with special attention to the period since 1968 during which the divorce rate has risen rapidly. While remarrying divorcees have formed increasing proportions of marriage cohorts since the late 1960s the remarriage rate, especially for females, has risen only because the divorced population has become more youthful. Comparison of the remarriage experience of synthetic divorce cohorts for 1961 and 1976 suggests that the likelihood of remarriage has fallen for both sexes where divorce occurs at ages below forty, but in particular for females divorced in their thirties.  相似文献   

9.
Objective. We examine racial differences in support for same‐sex marriage, and test whether the emerging black‐white gap is a function of religiosity. We explore how religious factors play a crucial role in racial differences, and how secular factors have varying effects on attitudes for whites and African Americans. Methods. Using data from the General Social Surveys, we estimate ordinal logistic regression models and stacked structural equation models. Results. We show that the racial divide is a function of African Americans' ties to sectarian Protestant religious denominations and high rates of church attendance. We also show racial differences in the influence of education and political values on opposition to same sex marriage. Conclusions. Religious factors are a source of racial differences in support for same‐sex marriage, and secular influences play less of a role in structuring African Americans' beliefs about same‐sex marriage.  相似文献   

10.
People who divorce experience a number of negative impacts, and yet divorce also offers opportunities for growth and transformation. This qualitative study of older adult women offers the possibility that divorce may be sexually empowering, especially for women, based on in-depth interviewing of women who had gone through one or more divorces. Detailed examples of the experiences of fourteen women with divorce and sexual expression are offered, focusing on in which situations divorce might be empowering and how it could contribute to sexual exploration and satisfaction. Overall, for the fourteen women in the study who had experienced divorce, the quality of sex in the marriage impacted the quality of sexual expression after the divorce. Also, these findings supported the idea of transformational learning through divorce, and expand divorce-stress-adjustment and transformational learning perspectives to apply more specifically to sexual expression. Understanding possible impacts of divorce over the lifespan, including strengths-based aspects, is important for social workers as the population they serve ages.  相似文献   

11.
王麦巧 《唐都学刊》2012,28(3):18-22
《史记》记载了西汉时期的婚俗形式:聘娶婚、政治联姻、离婚、再婚、自由婚、重亲婚、媵妾婚等。这些婚俗形式的出现与西汉时的思想观念、经济状况、人口政策、社会环境不无关系。西汉初年,经济凋敝,人口离散,社会环境相对宽松,贞节观念比较淡薄;为了发展经济,政府"与民休息",鼓励再婚、媵妾婚、重亲婚等。  相似文献   

12.
Monoracial and multiracial individuals are likely to have different conceptualizations of race and subsequently different approaches toward racial ambiguity. In particular, monoracial individuals may be more likely to rely on categories when processing ambiguous faces, whereas multiracial individuals may tend to ignore such categorizations due to a reduced tendency to essentialize race. We compared monoracial (White and Asian) and biracial (Asian/White) individuals' memory patterns. Specifically, we examined participants' memory for White, Asian, and biracial faces labelled as either White or Asian. Both White and Asian participants relied on the labels, remembering faces labeled as the in-group better than faces labeled as the out-group. Biracial participants relied less on the labels, exhibiting better recognition memory overall. Biracial participants' memory performance was also highly correlated with a less essentialist view of human traits. This cognitive flexibility may serve an adaptive function for biracial individuals and contribute to enhanced facial recognition.  相似文献   

13.
Objectives. This study examines the factors that shape public acceptance of homosexuality and support for same-sex marriage across age cohorts.Methods. We analyzed data from two national surveys. We constructed hierarchical logistic and hierarchical ordinary least squares regressions for relevant age cohorts in order to test our hypotheses and explore our research questions.Results. Our models suggest that personal contact has a greater impact on the attitudes of younger respondents, positively influencing public acceptance of homosexuality. Alternatively, religious and ideological predispositions have a greater impact on the attitudes of older individuals. When examining public support for gay marriage, we find that younger individuals have higher levels of deliberative engagement with the issue debate, while older individuals rely more heavily on their predispositions when determining issue stance. Interestingly, measures of media exposure are not significantly related to either public acceptance of homosexuality or support for same-sex marriage, suggesting that other factors may have a greater impact on public attitudes at this point in time.Conclusion. The implications of these findings are discussed in light of the emergence of a new political generation and the continuing struggle for gay civil rights.  相似文献   

14.
The recent changes in the nature of marriage, and the popularity of alternative relationships, diminish the ‘special’ status of marriage. Existing and proposed methods of allocating property upon divorce fail to take into account structural gender inequalities. The laws relating to property distribution should be recast and limited to an accounting procedure which assesses the effect of the incidence of dependency on future earning capacity and seeks to allocate compensation aimed at long-term equity. Courts should base awards on lifetime earning capacities and on the effect of the marriage or relationships on these.  相似文献   

15.
Among the more recent challenges for the family are the increasing divorce rates and the decline in marriages. This article examines the possible consequences of these trends for intergenerational family relationships. How does divorce in the parent generation, and the shift from marriage to unmarried cohabitation among adult children, affect intergenerational solidarity? These questions are explored with data from the Norwegian Life Course, Ageing and Generation Study (NorLAG, n = 5,589, age 40–79). Scandinavian countries have high divorce and cohabitation rates and may therefore be of interest as comparative cases for countries where these events are less institutionalized. The findings suggest, however, that Norway accommodates to the general norm in the sense that divorce among parents is associated with lower solidarity with adult children on most solidarity dimensions. This is more true for fathers than for mothers. There is, on the other hand, no difference in solidarity between married and cohabitating children vis à vis the parent generation. The explanations and implications of these findings are discussed.  相似文献   

16.
Objectives. We examine how socioeconomic status of white, black, Hispanic, and Asian adolescents affects their likelihood of dating across racial lines and the racial characteristics of their romantic partners. Methods. We analyze data nationally representative sample of adolescents in 1994–1995 using logistic regression models. Results. Socioeconomic status has little effect on whether adolescents choose an interracial partner except in the case of Hispanics. However, higher socioeconomic status blacks and Asians who interracially date are more likely to have white partners than their SES counterparts. Conclusion. Although social class does not increase the odds of interracial contact, it does increase contact with whites compared to other groups for blacks and Asians.  相似文献   

17.
Although the Family Law Act recognizes the contribution of a marriage partner as homemaker and parent, in practice, such contributions are often not recognized as equal to those made by paid workers when property is divided on divorce. Because a woman's earning capacity is usually diminished by her family responsibilities, the existing discretionary approach to property division reinforces women's dependency on men. Under a system of equal marital property rights, the equal value of contributions of unpaid spouses would be clearly established. Assets accumulated before marriage would usually be excluded from the equal ownership rule (and hence from distribution to the other party on divorce), both partners would be informed of transactions during marriage, and parties who choose to could contract out of the equal rights scheme. Men and women would know from the outset of marriage what their rights were.  相似文献   

18.
Objective. The objective of this article is to examine whether racial tolerance attitudes are influenced by the character of the urban subculture in which individuals live. Specifically, is there a significant association between Florida's (2002) concept of creative class and racial tolerance among white survey respondents? Methods. The Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey that comprises respondents across some 27 cities provides the data for this analysis. Ordered logit regression was utilized. Results. Independent of key explanations of racial tolerance such as racial threat and contact theories, creative class or new political culture cities are associated with more progressive racial attitudes among white respondents. In addition, important evidence is uncovered that shows creative class operates as an interactive variable, conditioning the effects of traditional determinants of tolerance. Conclusions. Evidence suggests that creative class or new political culture cities should be viewed as constituting distinctive cultural milieus that have important direct and interactive effects on tolerance attitudes.  相似文献   

19.
张燕  王露璐 《唐都学刊》2013,29(5):6-10
“政策性离婚”是指因国家政策的变化而出现的离婚现象,其实质是通过假离婚等非常规方式规避政策的限制,以实现个人或家庭利益的最大化。诱发“政策性离婚”的伦理因素包括:经济利益至上导致的婚姻伦理关系的淡化、道德监督缺失带来的婚姻主体道德责任的弱化以及制度伦理失范引发的社会道德环境的恶化。为了减少“政策性离婚”等类似社会现象的发生,必须强化个体道德自律,坚守婚姻的道德底线;健全道德监督机制,促进社会生活的规范化;推进制度伦理建设,维护社会的正义与和谐。  相似文献   

20.
Using a survey of Ohio and Indiana residents, we analyze the extent to which public support for school vouchers and school finance reform is structured by the same socioeconomic interests and values (equality, humanitarianism, individualism, and limited government) as is public support for contentious welfare policies. Disadvantaged individuals and individuals who live in disadvantaged communities are more likely to support vouchers but social status has a more ambiguous influence on support for finance reform. Values cannot explain the effect of social status on support for these education policies, but they exert independent effects. We speculate that disadvantaged individuals are more likely to see vouchers as in their interests than are advantaged individuals because voucher advocates have allied themselves with social movements and organizations representing clear constituencies (religious conservatives, low-income urban parents). On the other hand, we suggest that finance reform is more of an abstract issue because its advocates have mostly concentrated on intragovernmental litigation, and thus cleavages based on social status tend to be more obscured.  相似文献   

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