Rohingya Ethnic Muslim Minority and the 1982 Citizenship Law in Burma

The Rohingyas have experienced difficulties in obtaining citizenship since the enactment of the 1982 Citizenship Law in Burma. From the beginning of Burmese independence, their separate identity was recognized by the then democratic government of Premier U Nu (1948–1962). Their situation worsened after the military takeover in 1962 leaving then subject to humiliating restrictions and harsh treatment by the State. However, the Burmese 1982 Citizenship Law institutionalized the Rohingyas statelessness.This paper argues that despite all evidence as indigenous people of Arakan, the ethnic Muslim minority Rohingya are arbitrarily deprived of their citizenship. The Burmese are adamant that the Rohingyas are Bengalis regardless of their residency history, and therefore belong in Bangladesh. Their Islamic religion and Indo-Aryan appearance do not conform with the “Burmese citizenship standard”. In this context, Burma/Myanmar citizenship law fails to meet the international standard. Rohingya ancestry related documents prove that the government enacted the new law simply to deny the Rohingya identity.     

Forced Migration and the Expatriation of the Rohingya: A Demographic Assessment of Their Historical Exclusions and Statelessness

This paper attempts to outline the forced migration and consequent flee and displacement of the Rohingya Muslims in Northwestern Arakan State of Myanmar after several violent clashes and insurgencies between the Rohingya Muslims, the Buddhists and government security forces. More than 400,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled from Myanmar in August 2017 violence which has been described as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing” by United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR). Being only visible as “refugee problem” of this mass expatriation, the continuous forced migration and displacement of the Rohingya have been rendered invisible. In this context, this paper attempts a demographic assessment of Rohingya people through historical process of their exclusions and the magnitude of the forced migration to the neighboring countries as illegal, economic burden, stateless migrants. This paper analyses the historical origin of the underlying situation, identity politics, ethnic crisis, and statelessness for better understanding the demographic decline of the Rohingya in this geographic region. Finally, it highlights the international community's responses to this undergoing humanitarian crisis of the Rohingya.     

The Current Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar in Historical Perspective

This paper critically examines the longstanding Rohingya crisis in Myanmar. It argues that the crisis is rooted in the British colonial era that subsequently gained momentum through their (i) gradual marginalization as an ethnic minority, (ii) exclusion from the governmental institutions, and (iii) deprivation of citizenship, effectively rendering them stateless. Starting with a demographic profile of the Rohingya it explores the major elements of the crisis from the colonial period to the present day through a historiographical methodology. Based on these historical factors shaping and aggravating the crisis, the paper concludes with a mitigating recommendatory pursuit towards a durable resolution.     

The Ethnic Minority Question and Rohingya Crisis in Contemporary Myanmar

The recent humanitarian Rohingya crisis has once again put Myanmar onto the centre stage of global media attention. The aim of this paper is to look into the ethnic minority question in contemporary Myanmar. The paper has a special focus on the Muslim Rohingya community. The paper argues that problematic race relations in Myanmar today should not be viewed in isolation but should be seen as a part of a historical continuum. The British colonial policies of divide and rule, political leaders and their obsession with Buddhism in the post-independence period and xenophobic tendencies during the long years of the military junta have all collectively contributed to the very complex situation in which the country finds itself today when it comes to race relations. Meaningful democracy and economic development have been advocated as the way forward especially for the more peripheral parts of the country where there is a strong ethnic minority presence.     

The Two Faces of Democratization in Myanmar: A Case Study of the Rohingya and Burmese Nationalism

The Rohingya have faced discriminatory policies and actions by the Myanmar government since independence in 1948, with many within the state seeing them as foreigners. This paper uses historical process tracing from pre-British colonialism to present day to argue that the persistent persecution of the Rohingya stems from the divergent experiences under British colonialism for the Rohingya and majority Burman population and, as a result of this, Burmese national identity forming around the dominant Burman ethnic group and the Buddhist faith. The government following independence, then, institutionalized this national identity, excluding the Rohingya as a part of the nation and denying their identity, arguing instead that they are “illegal Bengali immigrants”. As shown through this case study, the resiliency of these anti-Rohingya policies and attitudes within the Myanmar government through successive regime changes is a result of national identity being defined as both Burman and Buddhist, which remained constant. It also helps to explain how the political opening provided by the democratization process resulted in a number of anti-Muslim and anti-Rohingya operations by Buddhist monks and other Buddhist nationalists, government policies, and even military operations.     

滇藏缅印交角区泰-傣诸族群的迁徙流动及族际关系研究述论

关于泰-傣诸族群的问题,国内外学者已有了百余年的研究,主要侧重于环东南沿海直至与云南、东南亚相连接区域,且国别区隔明显。对于滇藏缅印交角地区泰-傣诸族群的研究,尚未得见系统、整体性的成果面世。本文拟围绕涉及该交角区泰-傣诸族群的族源、迁徙流动及族际关系等三个方面的零散研究进行梳理并加以评述,以期从整体联动性的视野对泰-傣诸族群在滇藏缅印交角区的研究空间做进一步深入拓展,同时,针对后续研究提出建议：族源问题有待进一步廓清;以地缘政治及文明交汇区域为整体历史背景的长时段探究有待开启;相关文献资料的搜集、翻译和整理有待深化;小尺度地域空间的微观研究有待推进;开展多学科交叉的综合研究。     

GMS五国华人华侨中华文化认同研究

GMS五国华人华侨对中华文化的认同度处于较高,但不是很高的水平。年龄、华人代数、祖籍地、汉语水平和汉语使用情况等都是影响华人华侨中华文化认同的重要因素;性别不是影响因素。华人华侨文化认同十分复杂,但GMS五国华人华侨的中华文化认同呈现出一定的发展趋势,可以对之施加影响。建议:进一步加强对GMS五国华人华侨的研究;面向不同的华人华侨群体有针对性地开展工作;加强汉语传播和华文传承工作;在学校、家庭、社区三个层面帮助华人华侨传承中华文化;加强正面宣传,与华人华侨交流时注意细节。     

美国少数族群的双重认同轨迹及其影响

族群认同问题是民族问题中的核心问题。对于国际社会中处于多数的多民族国家而言,如何有效构建统一的国家认同和社会认同将是关乎国家团结统一的关键性问题。我们是谁?我们属于谁?随着族群生存环境和社会环境的变化,族群的认同总是会发生某种程度上的波动性变化,进行自我身份的再认知和认同的自我调整,这种情况在移民国家更为明显。在美国身份认同政治氛围高涨的情况下,本文通过对美国少数族群双重认同的形成、互动轨迹、影响因素及配合因素等进行综合分析,解析双重认同存在的根源,以为多民族国家加强对少数族群认同的认识和国家认同的建构提供借鉴。     

Rejected People in Bangladesh: If the Biharis Were Counted

This paper is an outcome of an empirical research conducted in Bangladesh. I argue in this paper that the Biharis in Bangladesh can constitute an effective human capital with their knowledge, ability, and experience. However, this prospective human capital is not counted in the national development of Bangladesh. The findings of the research demonstrate that under the Bangladesh citizenship law the Biharis are de jure citizens. Nevertheless, they are still de facto stateless, because their citizenship is ineffective. I conclude that the “political will” of the Government of Bangladesh can make a breakthrough to overcome all invisible barriers on the way of effective citizenship of the Biharis. This will lead to their transition from de facto stateless persons to effective citizens or human capital and ultimately, this will contribute to the development of Bangladesh.     

论跨界民族的社会认同

文章从国际政治的视角探讨了跨界民族的社会认同问题,指出跨界民族的社会认同的主要情形如和(和谐)而不同、由合(融合)而同、因同而合(融合)与不和(和谐)不同产生的条件与影响,认为跨界民族问题的解决,首先要促使跨界民族实现本土化的转型,实现"适应-认同一融合",并在此基础上形成和谐的族群关系.     

Contesting exclusion in a multi-ethnic state: rethinking ethnic nationalism in Nigeria

On the surface, ideas of a Nigerian state with common citizenry, free from ethnicity, religious bigotry and regionalism were pursued by Nigerian nationalists. Generally, a state united in common political practices, equal opportunities and under the same law was envisaged. However, the process leading to independence was characterised by ethnic nationalism. In the decolonisation era, group interest was reified and elevated above national struggle for self-government. The post-colonial project of constructing a common citizenry with the same aspirations, one Nigerian identity with a cosmopolitan outlook instead of ethnic loyalty, therefore largely eluded the country. Over the last five decades, the deepest attachment has increasingly been that of ethnic and regional consciousness. Ethnic nationalism has increasingly won support in an atmosphere of greed and clientelism. Several complex crises are currently manifesting themselves in ethnic forms. The situation has been exacerbated by political and economic exclusion, which has awakened forces and organisations that fight for ethnic and regional aspirations. This paper deals with the issue of group identification during the colonial period, especially from 1945. It also explores the extent to which the pattern of nationalist struggle defined the crucial issues of ethnic crises in post-colonial Nigeria. Finally, it examines the dimensions of the contest for citizenship.     

The Repetition of Violence: Dialogue,the Exchange of Memory,and the Question of Convivial Socialities

This paper addresses the theoretical issues underlying the repetition of violence in situations where antagonisms between communities have become endemic. It examines the extent to which concepts of narrative identity, translation and the exchange of memories provide analysis with a language for understanding the obstacles to dialogue in these situations. It seeks to establish some of the linkages connecting the mechanisms of formation of identity and subjectivity and the effectivity of history in this process in the form of memories of belonging and community, and of trauma; it highlights the philosophical issues that arise when one considers the ontological and ethical grounds for dialogical exchange and a politics that imagines alternative forms of sociality.     

Aussiedler and Ausländer:* Transforming German national identity

Abstract

I analyse the changing conceptions of German national identity since the idea was first articulated after the French Revolution. I distinguish between universalist concepts of national belonging and particularist ones, specifying at the same time their respective class articulations. Within this context, I address both historical and contemporary politico‐legal conditions for German citizenship. These conditions for German belonging entail differential treatment for ethnic Germans coming from beyond the borders of the German state (Aussiedler), whether West Germany before unification or united Germany since, and foreigners living under direct German jurisdiction (Ausländer). The claimed bases and inclusionary/exclusionary effects of these differentiations are interrogated, and their contemporary political implications assessed.     

Diversities of National Identity in a Multicultural Society: The Australian Case

During the past half-century Australian immigration policy has moved from the assimilationist doctrine of Anglo-conformity, whereby non-British settlers were expected to adopt the Australian way-of-life, to a policy of multiculturalism that accepts and respects the cultures and traditions of newcomers, governed only by an overriding commitment to the basic institutions of Australian society. Newcomers are encouraged to take out Australian citizenship, which is available to immigrants after two years' residence, provided that they meet some other requirements, for example, the ability to speak and understand basic English. Notwithstanding changes in official policy, the population at large has a more diverse range of understandings of what it means to be 'truly Australian'. In this paper, I validate an earlier typology of such understandings and explore the social and attitudinal correlates of beliefs about Australian identity among four broad groupings of Australians: dogmatic nativists; literal nativists; civic nationalists; and moderate pluralists. Data are drawn from modules on Australian identity from the 1995 International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) and the 1996 Australian Electoral Survey (AES). I explore the substance of these different understandings in terms of the beliefs and attitudes that Australians of various persuasions hold about a range of current social and political issues, such as levels of immigration, the effect immigrants have on the economy and society, views about the monarchy versus a Republic, the role of trade unions, and related issues.     

桂林市城市化进程中的民族问题及其对策研究——南宁、桂林市城市化进程中的民族问题及对策研究之一

文章在阅读文献资料和实地调查的基础上,对桂林市的少数民族状况、特点以及城市化进程中的民族问题进行了分析,并提出了一些对策和建议:一是提高思想认识,切实重视城市化进程中的民族问题的严重性;二是健全法律法规,使城市化进程中民族问题的解决有法可依;三是加强高效管理,做好城市流动少数民族服务工作;四是建立长效机制,快速处理民族矛盾和纠纷;五是民族工作进社区,建立健全市、区、街道、居委会四级民族工作网络.     

Muslims in Europe: Citizenship,Multiculturalism and Integration

This article provides an analysis of the concerns in relation to citizenship and multicultural reforms in Europe. It examines the implications for the social integration of Muslims, who seemingly face insurmountable constitutional hurdles notwithstanding liberal institutional attempts, in accommodating a religion that, judged by its global politicisation, may pose more a challenge to multicultural societies than to others. While shedding light on recent developments concerning a wide-ranging panorama of the socio-legal dynamics of integrating Muslim communities in Europe, the article provides an overview of the multicultural idea, focusing on how some European countries address multicultural claims swiftly while others lag behind, busy with more basic issues of immigrant assimilation and integration. It is argued that while attempts are being made to improve Muslim integration, the rising tide of Islamophobia (political and media-manufactured), anti-terrorism legislations and security policies serve to provide a multi-pronged attack on civil liberties and freedoms of Muslim groups. In the concluding section, there will be general remarks concerning the future of Muslims in Europe and the commendable and realisable aim of Muslims to construct an inclusive national identity and find partners who will, like them, be determined to approve what Western culture produces in terms of its positive contributions and resist its deleterious effects on the human, societal and environmental levels.     

基于“儒家民族主义”范式转向的民族认同机制研究

以建立民族国家为目标,以市场诱因为核心的政治民族主义传播范式在和平时期渐趋僵化,儒家民族主义传播范式更好地弥补了文化连续体缺失的状况,相应地带动了民族认同的强化。本文认为,转向之后应通过仪式性的特殊文化符码来复活传统文化的核心,这样才能最终完成想象共同体的构建及民族认同。     

Black-boxing political intersectionality: on ‘othering’ that deprives individuals of their citizenship

The case of the Aegean Macedonian refugees, survivors from the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), is particularly powerful in ‘demonstrating’ that one must address the ways in which the categories of difference on the one hand and identity and inclusion on the other hand, condition the very mode of ‘othering’ specific to certain histories of subjugation that are consubstantial with the hierarchical and differential value social identities have within our contemporary European society. Through the case-narrative of L, I analyze the practice of ‘othering’ as deployed by Greek laws within the parameters of ethnicity and the social ontology of collectivity. The analysis shows that citizenship, as one element of the nationalist project, intersects with ethnicity and forced migration bringing about ‘by genus’ repatriation.     

The ecology of immigrant naturalisation: a life course approach in the context of institutional conditions

Traditionally, immigrants’ propensity to naturalize is attributed to individual characteristics and the origin country. Recently scholars increasingly recognise that naturalisation decisions do not take place in a vacuum: they are conditioned both by the individual life course of immigrants, such as the age at migration and family situation, as well as the opportunity structure set by citizenship policies of the destination country. Yet it is less clear what impact specific policy changes have, and to whom these changes matter most. In this paper we address these questions by analysing citizenship acquisition among first generation immigrants in the Netherlands in light of a restriction in citizenship policy in 2003. We employ unique micro-level longitudinal data from Dutch municipal population registers between 1995 until 2012, which allow us to track naturalisation among different immigration cohorts. We find evidence that indeed naturalisation is part of a larger life course trajectory: immigrants who arrive at a younger age in the Netherlands naturalise more often and so do immigrants with a native partner, or a foreign-born partner who also naturalises. Policy also matters: migrants naturalise later and less often under more restrictive institutional conditions, especially migrants from less developed and politically unstable countries of origin.     

铸牢中华民族共同体意识：理论逻辑、现实基础和实践路径

科学研判我国民族关系发展的客观现状,将铸牢中华民族共同体意识作为民族工作的主线,是以习近平同志为核心的党中央为我国民族关系长远发展所制定的战略规划。铸牢中华民族共同体意识具有凝心聚力之效,意蕴是丰富而多维的:其理论逻辑在于,对历史的继承和发展是历史意蕴,"五个认同"是核心内容,服务"两个大局"以实现中华民族的伟大复兴是价值导向;其现实基础在于,中华民族从"站起来""富起来"到"强起来"提供了物质基础,从"自在""自觉"到"自强"是其精神基础,中国特色社会主义民主政治提供了政治保障,多元一体的中华民族结构是其社会基础;最后,坚持和完善民族区域自治制度、建立共享繁荣发展的经济体、构筑各民族共有精神家园,加强各民族交往交流交融,是其实践路径。