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1.
自古以来,中国就对墓葬比较讲究,这一点在迄今为止发掘的一些古代陵墓中体现得非常明显.古人对墓葬的讲究很大程度上体现在陵墓的雕塑上,而墓室随葬俑作为陵墓雕塑的重要组成部分更是受到了现代社会极大的关注,具有很大的研究价值.文章主要从陵墓雕塑中陶俑艺术的文化含义着手,进一步探讨魏晋南北朝时期陵墓雕塑中陶俑艺术的发展特点,并对一些具有特色的陶俑进行赏析. 相似文献
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魏晋南北朝时期是中国历史上第二次民族融合的高峰。由于地理位置的特殊性,宁夏成为众多少数民族活动的场所。匈奴、鲜卑、羯、氐、羌等民族借西晋王室衰微之机,以迁移、战争等方式在西北地区建立地方割据政权,不同程度控制宁夏地区,客观上促进了当地民族交融。这一时期,宁夏民族交融的方式主要有民族迁徙、民族战争、移民兴屯、统治者的自我革新和政治改革、经济文化往来,民族交融呈现出的特点主要为民族融合促使“夷夏之别”民族观念改变、民族融合推动宁夏政治经济发展、民族融合具有双向性。 相似文献
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魏晋南北朝时期佛教开始得到大幅度的发展,随着佛教的发展,佛学文化对整个社会都造成了极大的影响.而在服饰方面,不仅僧人的服装开始出现变化,宗教服饰也影响到日常生活的服饰文化. 相似文献
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魏晋南北朝时期是我国历史上一个较为特殊的时期,它虽充满动荡与破碎,却造就了一批卓尔不群的文人名士,让我们可以领略到别具一格的“魏晋风骨”。此时期也是筝乐蓬勃发展的重要阶段,随着社会的不断变革与发展,门阀贵族逐渐崛起并占据统治地位。贵族阶层的钟爱赋予筝乐以崭新的风貌,筝乐也为文人墨客带来了流水行云的创作灵感,有关筝的文学作品层出不穷,筝已成为文人阶层抒发情感的寄托。随着筝乐在贵族文人阶层的广泛传播,筝乐活动也十分受其欢迎,如宴会、文人聚集、贵族家乐表演、节日庆祝等均有筝乐的身影出现。可见筝在魏晋南北朝时期已真正融入贵族文人阶层,筝的音乐属性也踏入了由俗至雅的转变过程,成为上至帝王、下至百姓拥有广泛群众基础的华夏古乐器。 相似文献
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门阀制度(又称士族制度)魏晋南北朝时期特有的历史现象。它的特点是按门户等级区别士庶在经济、政治、文化上的不同地位;门阀贵族在各方面都享有特权,琅邪王氏是在这种制度下发展起来的世族。 相似文献
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门阀制度(又称士族制度)魏晋南北朝时期特有的历史现象.它的特点是按门户等级区别士庶在经济、政治、文化上的不同地位;门阀贵族在各方面都享有特权,琅邪王氏是在这种制度下发展起来的世族. 相似文献
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本文根据两汉魏晋南北朝正史“西域传”中的有关记载,探讨了西域诸国的王位继承、职官、刑法、婚丧等制度和习惯。 相似文献
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徐杰舜 《广西民族大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2004,26(6):108-112
魏晋南北朝是中国新的民族格局在新的平台上立体交叉互动运行的又一个时期.在这个时期,迁徙、战争、怀柔、同化是互动的四大旋律. 相似文献
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本文详细列举了两汉魏晋南北朝正史西域传中所见西域诸国的宗教、神话传说,揭示了西域地区成为汉文化、印度文化、波斯文化、希腊罗马文化及游牧文化荟萃之地的原因. 相似文献
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Weigao was one of the famous Jie-dushi ( regional military commissioners ) of the Jiannan Xichuan ( located in today’s southern Si-chuan) in the Tang Dynasty. During the rule of Wei Gao, he successfully defeated the Tubo, and changed the Tang court’s submissiveness in the southwestern region and the fight between the Tang and Tubo along the southern line. He also restored the links between Yunnan and Xichuan including all the way to the Central Plains, and, as a result, the once closed Southern Silk Road was reopened. A further exploration and evaluation of Wei Gao’s actions and his influence on reopening the Southern Silk Road ought to be given. I. Wei Gao’s Alliance with the Nanzhao King-dom and Reopening the Southern Silk Road In 785 A. D. , Wei Gao arrived in Chengdu and was appointed Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan. The situation of Jiannan Xichuan at that time was very critical. After the Tianbao war, the Kingdom of Nanzhao, which had unified the area around Er-hai Lake with the support of the Tang in the past, turned against the Tang and publicly announced its alliance with the Tubo. The Nanzhao Kingdom, to-gether with the Tubo, struck the Tang in the south-western region. This shift not only put the Tang in a submissive position in the southwestern region, but also significantly influenced the relations be-tween the Tang and the Tubo. As the Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao became a unique practitioner and actively promoted a joint strategy in Yunnan. After the Tang decided to make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom, relevant actions were taken immediately. However because relations between the Nanzhao Kingdom and the Tang had been broken for many years, at the beginning, Wei Gao could only communicate through some of the tribal chiefs of the Dongman ( Eastern Barbarians) . Through several years of ef-fort and mutual contact, Wei Gao’s endeavors to make an alliance with the Nanzhao, at last, were effective. Wei Gao’s efforts to make an alliance with the Nanzhao certainly involved issues related to trans-portation between Xichuan and the area of Erhai Lake. During that period, the route between Xi-chuan and Nanzhao was not only under military threat from the Tubo, but it was also overseen by the tribes of the Dongman who supported the Tu-bo—this indicated that the line of communication was not in a normal situation. The Southern Silk Road was one of ancient China’s important land trade routes to overseas. In looking at relevant re-cords in the Shiji ( Records of the Historian ) , we can see that this route had been known by people in the Central Plains from at least the Qin and Han dynasties. It was called the“Shushen Dudao” dur-ing the Han dynasty, and the “Xi’er Tianzhu zhid-ao” in the Taizhong period of the Tang dynasty.“Xi’er” refers to Erhai Lake, which was called“Xi’er He” during that time; “Tianzhu”, i. e.“Shendu”, refers to present day India. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, there were two primary routes between Xichuan and the area of Lake Er-hai. One was the Shimendao, also called the Wuchidao or Rongzhoudao, which started from present Chengdu and went through present day Le-shan and Yibin. The other was the Qing Xidao, also called the Lingguandao, Songzhoudao or Qiongnan Yilu,which, started from present Cheng-du, and went through present day Ya’an, and Xichang. These two routes were also called the“North Route” and the“South Route” in the Yun-nan Zhi ( The History of Yunnan) compiled by Fan Cuo in the Tang Dynasty. These two were the main routes between Sichuan and Yunnan on the South-ern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty. In 794 A. D. , the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom swore an oath of alliance, and Wei Gao started his plans to reo-pen the routes. By making a comprehensive analy-sis of relevant historical records, we are certain that starting with a plan in the 8th century, and fol-lowing the realization of the alliance between the Tang and Nanzhao as part of the strategy for the Southwestern area, and, together with the success in the fight against the Tubo, the two main chan-nels between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road were reopened as a result of the concern of Wei Gao at the beginning of the 9th century. II. The Basic Situation of the Route between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty and Its Historical Significance It was a long way from Xichuan to the area of Lake Erhai, and, moreover, the situation was also very complicated. Whenever the North Route or the South Route opened, it was not something that was completed immediately; it was a process. Al-though some sections of the road might be comple-ted initially, the opening of the entire route could not be completed within a short time. Through the records of Fan Cuo in his Yunnan Zhi, we can glean a general understanding of the basic situation regarding the reopening of the two main routes be-tween Sichuan and Yunnan along the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty. Seen from the records of Fan Cuo, there were courier stations along the South Route, so that travelers and their horses could have services and accommodation. It is very significant to note that in addition to the records of courier stations along the route managed by the Xichuan administration, the Yunnan Zhi also recorded that special translators were arranged for facilitating the contact and ex-change between the two sides, i. e. Xichuan and Nanzhao, after the route reached Ezhunling. This detail reflected Xichuan’s attention to the manage-ment of this route, but it also reflected the frequent contact between the people from the two sides of this route and the need for better communication. The road which started from Ezhunling was man-aged by the Nanzhao Kingdom. The situation of the North Route was quite different from the South Route. Based upon an analysis of the records found in the Yunnan Zhi, along the north route, there were not only high mountain, steep slopes, and winding roads, but the traveler also had to pass through many areas inhabited by the Wuman (Black Babarians). So, people were able to pass through the stations only after their words had been translated three or four times. Generally speaking, the conditions along the North Route were worse than those along the South Route. Therefore, al-though the reopening of the South Route was later than the North Route, people usually chose to pass through the South Route after it was reopened. It should be mentioned here that although Fan Cuo’s Yunnan Zhi was compiled during the early years of Xiantong Period in the Tang dynasty, the situation along the route and courier stations recorded in the book were probably not much different from those along the route during the time of Wei Gao. Al-though more than half a century of time had passed the road and courier stations along the South and North Routes might have only had some minor changes, and it was probably generally the same as in the past. Moreover it was unblocked for a long term due to the concern of the both sides. Another point that should be noted here is that although both the South and North Routes connecting Si-chuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty were managed by the administra-tions of Xichuan and Nanzhao separately, seen from the close relations and common demands of the two sides, the construction and management of these two important routes were combined through the negotiation of the two sides’ considerations and demands. As the major supporter for making the alliance with Nanzhao, Wei Gao should be the one who played an active role in this process. Because of the alliance between the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom the Tubo suffered a setback in the southwestern region, and they gradually re-treated to the north. Under this scenario, the channels of communication between Sichuan and Yunnan were unblocked, and communication be-tween the envoys from the Tang and Nanzhao be-came more frequent, the local trade developed, and the number of businessmen traversing Sichuan and Yunnan increased. Seen from the perspective of the development of Nanzhao, the frequent ex-changes between the artisans and traders from the two sides via the South and North Routes that ran between Sichuan and Yunnan promoted the eco-nomic and commercial development of Yunnan. In addition, there were many ethnic groups in the Nanzhao Kingdom. These included the Wuman, and Baiman ( white barbarians) . For several dec-ades,“more than a thousand” people from differ-ent ethnic groups went to Chengdu to study. This reflected that the reopening of the Southern Silk Road during the Tang dynasty played an important role in cultural transmission. On the other hand, training youth from the different ethnic groups liv-ing in the Nanzhao Kingdom also had a deep influ-ence on the cultural development of Yunnan. More important is that this action enhanced the commu-nication between the ethnic groups of Yunnan and the Central Plains. In addition, after reopening the road between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Route, the road continued through Nanzhao territory, crossed into the Myanmar-India route, and arrived in South and Southeast Asia. It could be said that Wei Gao’s reopening of the Southern Silk Road was not only helpful for communication between the people of Xichuan, the Central Plains and Yunnan, but it was also helpful for communi-cation between the Tang and the countries of South and Southeast Asia. It should be mentioned that Wei Gao’s reope-ning of the Southern Silk Road was conducted with-in the framework of an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom to attack the Tubo. Hence, speaking truthfully, reopening the road was not the main re-sponsibility of the Jiedushi of Xichuan, and was al-so not his main strategic goal. Under the serious situation faced by Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao’s main focus during that time was how to contact and make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom so as to take military action against the Tubo. Even if he planned to reopen this road and took some action, it was conducted by targeting his military strategic action. However, reopening the Southern Silk Road could not be separated from the action of making an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom. Moreover, after reopening this road, it really pro-moted economic -cultural exchange and develop-ment along the road. Hence, we should give a full understanding and evaluation on Wei Gao’s histori-cal role in it. 相似文献
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北魏末年即已出现恢复胡姓的社会现象 ,宇文泰主政期间 ,推行了赐、复胡姓的运动 ,并使之在一段时期内形成一股潮流。本文依据正史 ,列举西魏北周时期赐、复胡姓的情况 ,并从籍贯、赐姓时间、事由等方面对之进行了逐项考察 ;认为宇文泰赐、复胡姓的目的主要是推进府兵制的实行 ,而赐、复胡姓的中止也不应当是出于宇文泰的所谓“遗旨”。 相似文献
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本文是对安介生《北魏道武帝早年经历考辨--与李凭先生商榷》一文的回答.道武帝早年曾有被迫内徙长安和流徙蜀地的经历,这个观点由周一良提出,李凭对此作了考证.周一良"部分观点前后有较大的转变"的说法并不确实.另外,安文将羌俗、儒家文化、汉文化三者混为一谈是不符合逻辑的.至于道武帝厌恶羌俗的事例,非但不是他不曾迁居长安的明证,反而说明他了解长安附近的风俗,因而有利于李凭原先的论证. 相似文献
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北魏前期官员薪酬分配的基本模式是在拓跋时期确立的。在建国过程中 ,拓跋对于官、禄制度有过深刻思考 ,这对北魏前期官员分配模式的建立有着十分重要的影响。简言之 ,由于统治意志的干预 ,北魏前期没有实行中原俸禄制 ,而是实行分别适应于不同群体的多种形式并存的官员薪酬分配模式。这个模式的基本内容是 :廪给等保障官吏的基本生存 ;在此基础之上是班赐 ,其中最为显著的是战后班赐 ,以功次为标准 ,在功勋群体内部进行 ;最后则是对个体的赏赐 相似文献
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《魏书》关于北魏道武帝拓跋早年经历的记载虽然简约 ,但是指认明确 ,论列系统 ,有较为可靠的佐证资料 ,其价值远在《宋书》、《南齐书》及《晋书》诸书之上。本文认为 :拓跋什翼犍死于“君之乱” ,道武帝拓跋在代国灭亡后并没有迁往长安及蜀地等 ,而是一直生活在雁北地区。这些事实都有相当详实的史料根据 ,李凭先生否认这些事实的推论是难以成立的。 相似文献
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先秦至魏晋是桃文化的滥觞和形成期。古人对灵魂不死的信仰以及在生活中对桃的崇拜,奠定了桃为仙品的文化内涵的基础。而汉、魏、晋出现的大量的有关桃的神话、仙话小说推动了这一内涵的发展,而此时兴起并不断发展的道教更是强化了这一民俗信仰,使桃成为民俗生活中的仙桃。 相似文献
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随着“一带一路”建设的推进,我国民族地区通过对外开放促进经济社会发展变得越来越重要。云南、四川、广西、贵州、重庆、西藏等西南地区是我国少数民族较为集中的区域,同时地理区位上具有面向南亚、东南亚开放的优势,因而研究西南民族地区融入南向“一带一路”经济走廊、促进其经济社会发展成为一个重要方向。本文基于上述西南六个地区(省、自治区、直辖市)的经贸数据,分析了西南民族地区对外贸易的国别结构、商品结构和方式结构,并通过构建贸易引力模型分析了西南民族地区南向开放的特征及其合作潜力,指出了其面临的主要风险,并建议通过加强基础设施对外联通、加大特色商品出口和旅游产品开发、提升经济便利化程度,加快融入南向“一带一路”经济走廊。 相似文献
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文成帝《南巡碑》可进一步充实对北魏前期以幢将郎卫制度为主体的禁卫武官制度的认识。《南巡碑》所见幢将有内都幢将、三郎幢将、雅乐真幢将、内小幢将等 ,内都幢将当为负责殿中宿卫的禁卫长官。《南巡碑》所见斛洛真即胡洛真 ,意即“带仗人”(宿卫者 ) ,斛洛真军将或即宿卫军将。雅乐真、胡洛真可能就是史书中常见之羽林、虎贲 (郎 )。《南巡碑》可见大量郎官———内行内三郎、内三郎、三郎 ,内三郎多兼将军号。北魏前期亦有左右卫、武卫、四军、骁游等将军 ,似亦为禁卫武官。左卫将军所兼之南部折纥真即南部下大夫 (尚书南部侍郎 )。文成帝时禁卫武官出身于五六十个家族 ,归附拓跋鲜卑的各部族几乎都有代表人物任职于北魏禁卫武官系统 ,主要以帝室十姓、勋臣八姓及素和氏、斛律氏等约十余个家族为主。高车 (敕勒 )族的乙旃 (叔孙 )、斛律氏与北魏禁卫军权的关系极为密切。禁卫武官的出身和来源从一个侧面反映了北魏前期政权浓厚的民族特色及广泛的代表性 相似文献