文化全球化语境下商业广告和文学翻译的"归化"与"异化"

"归化"与"异化"是两种较为'常用的翻译方法,它们以翻译的主体和对象为边界,前者要求"接近读者",后者要求"靠近作者".在文化全球化的背景下,大众文化日益趋同,而文化本土化又使得各民族间的文化差异继续存在.因此,归化与异化具有各自适用的范围.在以商业利益为目标的文本翻译中,应以归化为主;而在以文化传播为目标的文本翻译中,应以异化为主.     

本真的迷失与缺位——对中国"青春"电影的反思与批评

中国的青春类型电影,大体走过了一条从"青春万岁"到"青春残酷"再到"青春消费"的道路."第六代"导演是青春电影创作的主力军,在后现代语境下,当代青春电影设法展示了一代电影人对政治的思考、对文化的反思.但本真的迷失与缺位是中国青春电影始终无法规避的硬伤,一味将青春影片商业化,淡化了青春电影所拥有的深刻文化意义和独特个性.     

在瞻望黄金世界中迷失现在--读解《洼地上的"战役"》兼及17年文学的"现代性"问题

路翎的短篇小说<洼地上的"战役">是否不恰当地描写了志愿军战士王应洪与朝鲜姑娘金圣姬之间"不该发生的"的爱情?17年文学的"现代性"应该以何为标准?这是本文要解决的主要问题.一切对文学文本的重读与文学史著的改写,都具有伽达默尔所说的"效果史"特征.半个世纪后的今天,重读<洼地上的"战役">,会有一些令人激动也令人伤感的收获,由此亦将引发一个关于17年文学"现代性"问题的深长思索.     

"孤岛"话剧:左翼文化与大众文化交融的范例

谈及"孤岛"话剧,一般都在左翼文化语境中表述,凸现其意识形态属性。但不可忽视的是,"孤岛"话剧是发生在上海这一特定空间中的文化现象,而当时的上海已经进入大众文化语境,因而其生存形态便不可避免地受到了这一文化语境的影响。一方面,"孤岛"剧坛坚持宣传抗战、关注民众生存,积极表述民族、国家这些宏大的话语,于激进的现实批判中呈现出鲜明的左翼文化特色;另一方面,现世娱乐的诉求、名人效应等商业运作策略也令"孤岛"话剧的大众化趣味得以彰显,恰是在政治讽喻与大众欢歌的张力间,显现出"孤岛"话剧的独特性。     

"×女"、"×男"族新词语的特征及成因

当代汉语词语模"×女"与"×男"在"某一类人"这一语义场中构成一对词语模,其模标的语义之间具有相反、相对应的关系."×女"与"×男"族新词语在语义、生成方式和色彩等方面具有明显特征,其产生原因既受社会文化和网络媒体的影响,也与词汇系统内部的不断发展相关.     

论我国"和谐"、"共赢"的外交新理念

"和谐"、"共赢"是新世纪我国外交工作的新理念。把握当前国际社会的发展规律,正确认识中国与世界的关系是提出这一外交新理念的理论基础;中国传统文化"和而不同"的思想,是提出这一外交新理念的文化渊源。我国的外交实践充分体现了"和谐"、"共赢"的外交新理念,取得了丰硕的外交成果。奉行"和谐"、"共赢"的外交新理念有利于树立我国良好的国际形象;有利于促进中国自身的发展;有利于促进世界的和平稳定,从而为世界各国的发展提供前提和机遇。     

民进党当局"教育台独"浅析

民进党推行"教育台独"是为其"政治台独"服务的,其核心是"去中国化"。文化认同是民族认同、国家认同的重要组成部分,"教育台独"冲击岛内民众的文化认同,必然影响民众的国家认同。认同中华文化是实现祖国和平统一的基础,"教育台独"就是要破坏这个基础,比"政治台独"更具欺骗性。     

论"70后"作家的历史叙事及历史感

当前评论界对"70后"作家批评的一个基本共识是历史感的匮乏,其实"70后"作家的历史感知受制于一个历史与文化上的"流动的缺口",它对"70后"作家的写作形成了一种"表述遏制"."70后"作家在利用各种方式填补这个缺口.在填补的过程中,"70后"作家自觉地遗忘了当下,他们的文本呈现为"活着的过去"与"死了的现在"的对峙."70后"作家不是靠着由过去激起的情感进入了历史写作,而是因为当下的困惑进入了历史,而且在这个过程中他们以自身献祭的方式成为了历史的被驱逐者和被吞没者.人们对"70后"作家历史感匮乏的指责主要是受制于既定叙事模式的影响,我们不能盲目地判定"70后"作家是没有历史感的,他们只是喜欢把过去私有化,而不是像前辈一样公共化,他们的历史感会以其他的方式展现出来.     

"安史之乱"中的京都诗歌创作

长安与洛阳是唐王朝政治文化中心,在唐诗发展史上处于中心地位."安史之乱"中,两京仍是诗人停留和关注的中心地带之一,他们的创作成为这一区域文化构成的重要因素.这一时期,两京的诗歌创作呈现出阶段性的特点:一是沦陷时期的诗歌创作;一是收复时期的诗歌创作.这两个阶段的诗歌构成了"安史之乱"中京都诗歌的艺术风貌.     

"软力量"研究综述

文化"软力量"是综合国力和国际竞争力的重要组成部分.它由美国学者约瑟夫·奈提出后,目前已引起国内外学术理论界、政治学界的广泛关注与深入探讨.对"软力量"的概念从国际政治学、文化战略和媒体的角度具有不同的认识,尤其是存在着中西差异.对"软力量"的核心问题有三种认识,即文化力、政治力、文化软实力渗透于硬实力之中.尽管有学者认为这一概念自相矛盾,甚至提出质疑,但绝大部分学者认为,"软力量"的作用在于:能提高一国的国际地位;能消除国外的抵抗意志,使对方认同自己的基本价值观和政策目标,达到不战而胜;能提升国家的综合国力;其发展更有利于构建和谐社会,实现可持续发展战略;有利于对知识产权进行保护.加快我国"软力量"建设应采取的举措为:将维护国家文化安全提高到重要战略地位;培养高素质的人才队伍;提高自主创新能力,促进文化产业发展;加大知识产权保护力度;保护好非物质文化遗产;建设社会主义核心价值体系.     

景观戏剧民族之路的创意探寻

伴随着图像时代来临、视觉文化勃兴和人类视觉审美范式的嬗变,人类步入了一个景观社会和消费社会双重变奏的新历史阶段。在此背景中,传统艺术面向视觉化、景观化审美倾向的不断革新求变,成为历史的必然。20世纪以来,为应对影视媒介蓬勃发展的挑战,戏剧创作者和理论家努力突破剧场性的局限,进行了多方面的探索与实践。从文化艺术学的意义而言,它既像一块基石,以其鲜明的民族气质和典雅的美学追求标志了中国景观戏剧的诞生;又像一方路标,昭示着民族景观戏剧未来的发展方向。     

论“安乐死”的可行性

“安乐死”一直是备受法学界、医学界、宗教界等关注的世界性问题。对于“安乐死”,有赞成和反对两种截然不同的观点。各国的法律也对“安乐死”采取不同的态度,有的法律上允许“安乐死”,有的在法律上把安乐死当成是故意谋杀罪。本文主要是从法律角度来说明“安乐死”在法律上不应该是一种犯罪,它对社会、个人具有积极的意义,以及“安乐死”的社会基础来分析“安乐死”具有可行性,同时也探索了“安乐死”的立法问题。     

The effects of gender role stereotypes on political attitudes

Public attitudes toward women may be understood in terms of two dimensions: inferiority and indifference. Some people (both men and women) believe that women are inferior to men, whereas others believe that the sexes are merely different. Factor analysis of the NORC General Social Survey shows that the inferiority stereotype explains political attitudes better than the difference stereotype.     

网络极端情绪人群的类型及其政治与社会意涵——基于中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的实证研究

本文以社会化媒体的用户为中心,以用户的网络极端情绪表达为切入点,考察中国社会化媒体空间中的群体类型,并探讨各群体的客观背景特征,以及各群体的政治态度和网络表达行动。对中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的潜类分析表明,我们可以根据微博用户表达的极端情绪将其划分为“酱油众”“冷漠族”“铁血爱国派”“愤世嫉俗派”和“民粹主义者”五类群体。其中,“民粹主义者”具有一定的“草根左派”色彩,“铁血爱国派”具有某种“亲体制左派”的色彩,“冷漠族”则倾向于“温和右派”,“愤世嫉俗派”倾向于“激进右派”。就政治态度而言,“愤世嫉俗派”对体制的态度最为负面,“民粹主义者”对政府的信任度最低,而“铁血爱国派”对体制的态度最为正面,对政府的信任度最高。就网络行动而言,“民粹主义者”使用网络暴力和参与在线抗议的可能性都最高,其次是“愤世嫉俗派”和“铁血爱国派”。文章最后指出,对互联网用户极端情绪的研究是理解中国网络社会的重要窗口。     

The government's role in public trust of biomedical science

Public trust in biomedical research depends in large part upon public attitudes toward science, the behavior of institutions involved in conducting and supporting biomedical research, and how mass media report on biomedical research. This paper explores those aspects of public trust, particularly the responsibilities of government as the major source of support for research using public funds.     

Using Empathy to Improve Intergroup Attitudes and Relations

Recently, social psychologists have given considerable attention to the possibility that empathy can be used to improve intergroup attitudes and relations. For this possibility to bear practical fruit, it is important to know what is meant by empathy because different researchers use the term to refer to different psychological states. It is also important to understand how each of these empathy states might affect intergroup relations by reviewing theory and research on the psychological processes involved, and it is important to consider the limitations of each form of empathy as a source of improved intergroup relations. Finally, it is important to consider the role of different empathy states in existing programs designed to improve intergroup relations, whether in protracted political conflicts, in educational settings, or via media. In this article, we pursue each of these goals.     

试析中世纪西欧对犹太人的多重态度

西欧中世纪社会同时存在着对犹太人有利和不利的态度,这些态度随着时间和地域的变化而变化。不同的阶层在同一时期,同一阶层在不同的时期都对犹太人有着不同的态度。中世纪对待犹太人的态度的复杂性和矛盾性有着复杂的社会背景。     

Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism in the Australian Popular Media

The media is often referred to as a social institution in that it is a major element of contemporary Western society. Through the media, social processes create narratives or stories within interpretative frameworks that are embedded in the cultural and political assumptions of the wider society. Since the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre in September 2001, the media has played a crucial role in the developing discourse on contemporary terrorism. In the Australian context, this discourse has emerged as one which implicates Australian Muslims, constructing them as a homogenous monolith with an underlying implication that Islam, and by association Australian Muslims, is secular resistant and at odds with the values of the liberal democratic state. Several textual analyses attest to the bias against Muslims in the popular Australian media discourse. However, there have been no studies into how Australian Muslims are interpreting and responding to this discourse. Based on research into the attitudes and perceptions of the media among Australian Muslims, this paper argues that the interpretation of the media discourse as defiantly anti‐Muslim and the perception of the media as a powerful purveyor of public opinion has impacted on the construction of Australian Muslim identity. In responding to this discourse, Australian Muslims are creating new narratives of belonging which either reinforce or reject the underlying messages that situate them outside mainstream Australia.     

Literary reading in the context of media culture

1980年代中国曾掀起文学阅读的高潮,但从1990年代始,文学阅读则进入一个缓慢的衰退期,新世纪以来,其衰退步伐进一步加快。在文学阅读式微的过程中,新媒介扮演着重要角色,其影响主要体现在：因文字转换成图像,接受者的感知结构得以重塑;因读屏代替了读书,阅读过程的沉思冥想无法启动。同时,新媒介还破坏了“孤独”的阅读状态,削平了接受的深度模式。从媒介文化角度看,文学阅读的式微是印刷文化遭到视觉文化重创后的结果,但由于新一代人已生活在视觉文化的环境中,他们游离于文学阅读将变得在所难免。此种阅读状况既会影响文学生产也会波及文学研究。而守护文学阅读并抵制新媒介的人,其私人记忆、感知结构甚至身体习惯恰恰是被印刷文化建构而成的。因此,游离或守护文学阅读的背后,其实隐含的是一种媒介文化的冲突。     

Class politics in the sandbox? An analysis of the socio‐economic determinants of preferences towards public spending and parental fees for childcare

This article analyses the socio‐economic determinants of public preferences towards public spending and parental fees for childcare and how they are conditioned by institutional contexts. Previous studies of childcare policy preferences have focused on attitudes regarding the provision of care. However, when it comes to questions of financing, we know astonishingly little about how supportive individuals actually are of expanding pre‐school early childhood education and care, and how support varies across different socio‐economic groups in society. This is an important research gap because childcare provision and how it is financed have redistributive implications, which vary depending on the institutional design of childcare policy. Using novel and unique survey data on childcare preferences from eight European countries, we argue and show that preferences towards expanding childcare are more contested than it is often assumed. The institutional structure of childcare shapes how income matters for preferences towards how much should be spent and how provision should be financed. Where access to childcare is socially stratified, the poor and the rich develop different preferences towards either increasing public spending or reducing parental fees in order to improve their access to childcare. The findings in this article suggest that expanding childcare in systems characterised by unequal access can be politically contested due to diverging policy priorities of individuals from different social backgrounds.