Max weber's vision of economic sociology

Max Weber's economic sociology is usually associated with The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904–1905), but in this paper I show that what Weber himself called his “Wirtschaftssoziologie”, or economic sociology, looked quite different and was something that he developed during the last year of his life, 1919–1920. I present and outline Weber's (later) economic sociology and pay particular attention to his ideas of “economic (social) action” and of the three different forms of capitalism (rational capitalism, political capitalism and traditional capitalism). I also show that to Weber, economic sociology was part of a more general science of economics that he often referred to as “social economics” (“Sozialökonomik”). The paper ends with a comparison between the paradigm of economic sociology, which can be found in the work of Max Weber, and the paradigm of what is known as New Economic Sociology.     

Black lives matter,capital, and ideology: Spiraling out from India

Piketty's propositions for arresting inequality are discussed through the lens of racism/casteism. We focus on the case of India's George Floyds—the persistence of caste and tribe oppression under economic growth in India—through the insights of our long‐term ethnographic research. We show that inequalities are intimately tied to dynamics of capitalist accumulation in which racial/ethnic/caste/tribe and gender difference is crucial. We argue for an analysis that truly integrates ideology and the dynamics of political economy. The wider implications, we argue are political; they lie in the question of what is to be done. Despite his ambitions to decenter economics, Piketty remains trapped in the logic of economics for what he proposes are essentially economic reforms within capitalism. Moreover, ideological change cannot be a matter of choice only, and cannot be challenged solely at the level of ideas around economic inequality. It will also have to be fought as a direct contest of oppressive ideologies such as racism, casteism, and patriarchy, leading to new counter‐hegemonic positions. We will argue that this takes us from a global history of ideology to a global anthropology of praxis. A first step is to genuinely center conversations with disciplines like anthropology, sociology, and subaltern history studying people and voices from below and from the margins, and the perspectives of scholars and activists from below and from the margins.     

Property,wealth, and social change: Piketty as a social science engineer

This paper applauds the vision and originality of Piketty's Capital and Ideology. We draw attention to the distinctive methodological perspective which he adopts, which we liken to call “social science engineering.” This allows a problem oriented perspective on long‐term global social change which sidesteps siloed disciplinary debates in social science and history about the meaning of modernity, the rise of capitalism, the formation of social groups, and the primacy of nations. We bring out how his theory of property permits him to take forward his overarching insight that economic growth leads to wealth accumulation. This, therefore, challenges long standing sociological perspectives by insisting that modernity is a conservative, rather than a revolutionary and transformative process. We build on this essential contribution by noting some areas where his work can push forward even further, notably that his focus on shifting relativities obscures qualitative historical changes, and more particularly means his analysis of the 20th century is not as provocative as that of the 19th century.     

Disembodied Capitalism: Habermas's Conception of the Economy

Habermas's primary theoretical project is to combine fruitfully the two major approaches to social analysis, hermeneutic theory and systems theory. To this end, he reinterprets the capitalist economy as an economic subsystem that engages certain functional imperatives of material reproduction behind the backs of society's actors. However, Habermas's attempt to distinguish subsystem processes from lifeworld experiences ultimately distorts our understanding of the capitalist economy in that it obscures the structural forms through which capitalism must be actualized. Consequently, his theory diminishes the necessary organizational forms of the economic subsystem, produces inconsistencies in regard to action orientations and subsystem dynamics, and encourages a misleading restrictive notion of the loci of contemporary social conflict.     

George Katona: A founding father of old behavioral economics

Assuming the division of behavioral economics into old and new, the paper begins to argue that old behavioral economics began with the works of two giants – George Katuna and Herbert Simon during the 1950s and early 1960s. The contributors of Herbert Simon are well established, thanks to the popularity of bounded rationality and satisficing, and his being award Noble Prize in economics. However, economists are much less familiar with the contributions of George Katona that can be viewed as the father of behavioral economics. Furthermore, the author argues that Katona was also misunderstood by various economists when he was attempting to create a psychologically based economics that rejected the mechanistic psychology of neoclassical economics and introducing the survey method to economic research that he had been using in his experimental psychology research previously. He also had influenced various economists during their debates in the 1950s without given the credit for. Many historians of behavioral economics limit Katona's contributions to the start of behavioral economics only to his contributions to macroeconomics. However, the paper demonstrates that Katona's behavioral economics included his contributions to macroeconomics (bringing realism to Keynesian consumption function and consumption behavior), micro-economics (business behavior, the rationality assumption, etc.), public finance and economic policy, and his introduction of the survey method. To demonstrate these contributions, the author argues that Katona attempted to bring realism to economic analysis – through psychological concepts – beginning with his early days of research in Germany which coincided with German hyper inflation- and continued whether working at New school for Social Research, Chicago University's Cowles Commission, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, or the University of Michigan's Survey Research Center. The author also argues that Katona's contributions went through stages, depending upon what economic problem persisted at the time, what advertises he was facing, and what institution/organization he was associated with.     

THE INSTITUTIONALIST ECONOMIC THEORIES OF CLARENCE AYRES

This paper creates a synthesis of Ayres's views, drawing them together from his many publications, and displaying his work as an intellectual system. His work is also evaluated, with the conclusion that his basic distinction between institutional and technological behavior is not tenable, but that he made some contributions of lasting value in his elaboration of institutionalist theory. In particular, he demonstrated the necessity for a recognition of the cultural and technological environment within which economic behavior occurs, he argued persuasively in favor of an interdisciplinary approach, and he contributed to the analysis of the process of technological change.     

The Folk and the Sociology of Takata Yasuma: —His Life and Thoughts—

Abstract  Takata Yasuma, hailed as the father of sociology in Japan and recipient of the prestigious Cultural Meritorious Award in 1964, was also admired by western sociologists for his originality. In this article I discuss The Folk in 1941 with his discussions on ethnic problems around the year 1940 in connection with his inner life and thoughts.
First, I point out Takata makes much of the subjective aspect of the folk, or folk-consciousness, and distinguishes it by this ethnic ego from similar but enforced groups such as nation-state. Then I analyze his folk theory in connection with class, the modern state, nationalism, capitalism and imperialism, and conclude that Takata conflates nationalism quite easily and directly with imperialism without defining narrow-minded nationalism clearly though he rejects Lenin's view of imperialism as the consequence of the development of capitalism.
Secondly I consider the interrelationship of the folk with the slowly but enlarging world society, and make clear that Takata appreciates the socialization of interest (Vergesellschaftung) in the progress of society, though in his heart he has pursued Gemeinschaft 9s the child of a village in spirit. Finally, I emphasize that folk theory thoroughly reflects his inner life and thoughts: the perfect leveler, a free-spoken person, a village child in spirit, and a scholar of originality     

伊斯兰复兴运动中的“伊斯兰经济学”

“伊斯兰经济学”于20世纪四十年代产生于印度次大陆,伴随着六、七十年代的伊斯兰复兴运动而在阿拉伯世界发展壮大。它以伊斯兰教法为基础,主要包括伊斯兰银行和天课制度两方面内容。“伊斯兰经济学”是伊斯兰社会在面对社会主义和资本主义的外在压力情况下,寻求自身文化认同的结果,它体现了伊斯兰文明适应现代社会的努力。     

The Rational Choice Generalization of Neoclassical Economics Reconsidered: Any Theoretical Legitimation for Economic Imperialism?

The article reconsiders the generalization of neoclassical economics by modern rational choice theory. Hence, it reexamines the possible theoretical grounds or lack thereof within neoclassical economics for economic imperialism implied in much of rational choice theory. Some indicative instances of rational choice theory's generalization of neoclassical economics are reviewed. The main portion of the article addresses the question as to whether neoclassical economics allows its generalization in rational choice theory and thus legitimizes economic imperialism. Presented are a number of pertinent theoretical reasons why neoclassical economics does not fully justify its generalization into rational choice as a general social theory, particularly into an overarching economic approach to social action and society. Also discussed are some theoretical implications of the rational choice generalization of neoclassical economics. The main contribution of the article is to detect lack of a strong theoretical rationale in much of neoclassical economics for rational choice theory's manifest or latent economic imperialism.     

Schumpeter's vision of socioeconomics

Just as Schumpeter many years ago had a brilliant vision of a new and broad kind of economics (what he called Sozialökonomik), so do many socioeconomists today have a similarly grand vision. Will they be able to implement it and translate it into important scientific works, on a par with the grandeur of the vision? Schumpeter's work may be relevant to answering this important question. Schumpeter experimented in his lifetime with two versions of socioeconomics, which were not equally successful. In his youth, he advocated a form of economic imperialism and erased the boundary between socioeconomics and the other social sciences. Later, however, Schumpeter accepted the valuable contributions that the noneconomic social sciences can also make to the understanding of economic phenomena, coming to advocate a collaboration between economics, sociology, economic history, and statistics.     

THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF STYLE: Thorstein Veblen's The Theory of the Leisure Class as Contested Text

Social scientists have begun to appreciate the importance of style in academic discourse. Style and its evaluation, I argue, are not givens, but are created and negotiated by a body of readers, judging a text. To explain the process by which style comes to be known, I choose the case of Thorstein Veblen's The Theory of the Leisure Class , published in 1899. I demonstrate that style was always important in the interpretation of his work, and that this "classic" can be read as literature, scholarly discourse, humor, or poor writing—or a combination thereof. A consensus on the qualities of Veblen's style has never emerged. Focusing on claims emphasizing Veblen's irony, I suggest that an ironic interpretation is particularly likely when an author analyzes those with superior status.

Veblen, a grayfaced shambling man lolling resentful at his desk with his cheek on his hand, in a low sarcastic mumble of intricate phrases subtly paying out the logical inescapable rope of matter-of-fact for a society to hand itself by, dissecting out the century with a scalpel so keen, so comical, so exact that the professors and students nineteenths of the time didn't know it was there, and the magnates and the respected windbags and the applauded loudspeakers never knew it was there.

—John Dos Passos, "The Bitter Drink" The Big Money (1946, pp. 106–107)     

Behavioral economics and the economics of Keynes

The aim of this paper is two-fold: it first evaluates some of the psychological insights offered by Keynes in his economic theories, and secondly it weighs up these insights in the light of recent research in behavioral and experimental economics. We found that many of the psychological ideas set forth by Keynes in his economic works, especially in The General Theory, have a defensible behavioral foundation and fit broadly the actual behavior of economic agents in the real world as suggested by recent empirical evidence. As a consequence, we argue that Keynesian economics can benefit from this interaction, especially for issues related to judgment under uncertainty and building solid microfoundations for macroeconomics.     

What is the Main Significance of Economic for Sociological Theory?

This paper reconsiders classical and neoclassical economics’ significance for or affinity and convergence with sociological theory. The paper identifies certain types or elements of classical and neoclassical economics that are potentially significant or convergent with sociological theory: pure market economics, the economics of society cum the “rational choice model”, and social or sociological economics. First, it argues that as pure economics economic theory’s significance for or affinity and convergence with sociological theory is low because the first is inconsistent with or divergent from the latter, notably theoretical economic sociology. Second, the paper suggests that as the economics of society economic theory’s significance for or affinity and convergence with sociological theory is non-existent or minimal, because the “rational choice model” is missing or an exception within conventional economics. Third, the paper proposes and demonstrates that classical and neoclassical economics’ main significance for or affinity and convergence with sociological theory lies in social economics as its second ingredient, alongside market economics. The paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between economic and sociological theory and economics and sociology overall.     

Social Stigma and Homelessness: The Limits of Social Change

We examine the issues around the stigmatization of homelessness and how it links to capitalism. Society focuses on the individual as the cause of his or her own state of homelessness, blaming the victim rather than focusing on the larger antecedent social and economic forces, such as unemployment, limited affordable housing, and breakdowns in kinship networks. Social stigma occurs in situations where there is unequal social, economic, and political power and there is an opportunity to label, stereotype, separate (us versus them), lose status, and discriminate. Stigmatization is due, in part, when people feel threatened by another group. Society categorizes people who are homeless as no longer “useful” and/or “functional” members of capitalism, since they do not actively work and support the system. The paper ends on a discussion of the limits of social change in a capitalist society.     

A postmodern theory of general economy: The contribution of georges bataille

One of the most important views concerning the post-industrial society is the return of the marketplace as the central economic institution. Although postmodernism has been viewed as “the cultural logic of late capitalism,” the work of Georges Bataille (1879–1962) sheds light on the idea of postmodern business in terms of a cultural shift concerning the motive of business venturing. While his contributions to political economy and business ethics still remain unknown to many of the advocates of postmodern business in the United States, Canada and Europe, Bataille formulated “a Copernican transformation” of capitalism, changing the perspectives of restrictive economy to those of “general economy.”     

How to fight the ‘Methodenstreit’? Veblen and Weber on economics,psychology and action

There have been comparative discussions about Thorstein Veblen and Max Weber before, but not quite from the most appropriate viewpoint. The present paper treats them as theorists of action, in social and economic analysis, and this perspective yields some interesting new findings. Both theorists are to be taken as participants in the great Methodenstreit in economics, 100 years ago, and it is Veblen who suggests a more radical solution to this dispute, he suggests its final abolishment. The main difference between Veblen and Weber is in their respective appreciations of the role of psychology in social analysis. Weber does not think it important, but in so thinking he misses the viewpoint of evolutionary psychology that Veblen endorses. Accordingly, both of these classical thinkers are to be considered as theorists of action, but so that it is Veblen who proffers a more general theory.     

Envisioning Power in Mexico: Legitimacy, Crisis, and the Practice of Patrimony

Abstract In his early work, Eric R. Wolf made provocative arguments about the genealogy of power in Mexico. Yet once he broadened his interests to peasant studies and the history of capitalism, he never returned to make a sustained examination of power in Mexico. This article extends Wolf's insights into an analysis of the current political and economic situation in Mexico. I focus on the practice of categorizing objects as the inalienable property of a given collective, such as a city, region, institution, or nation. These possessions – often referred to as patrimonio (patrimony) – are understood to have been handed down from prior generations and intended to be handed down in turn to future generations. I look at this mode of characterizing property in the areas of subsoil resources, collectively held land, and "cultural properties."     

Talcott Parsons'Marshall Lectures: Contemporay, But Flawed

The occasion of the publication of Parsons'Marshall Lectures is used to demonstrate Parsons'prescience and the contemporary relevance of his ideas. It is argued that these lectures are similar in intent to the recent work of Amitai Etzioni and his objective of creating the field of socio-economics. The two works are compared and their relative strengths and weaknesses discussed. Parsons is shown to be well ahead of his time, not only in his effort to integrate social and economic concerns, but in the broader integrative intent of his overall theory. While Parsons was not able to begin to engineer a rapprochement with economics, such an intellectual integration may be more possible today because economics appears to be in greater crisis and sociology seems to have more to offer to disaffected economists.     

The Quaker Ethic and the Fixed Price Policy: Max Weber and Beyond*

Max Weber undertook his research on the Quakers and their fixed price policy as part of his attempt to understand the role of the Puritan sects in the rise of early modern capitalism. Although his comments on the group were sympathetic and penetrating, they suffered from inattention to the historical context. He failed to see, for instance, that the Quakers’economic policies in large part reflected their resentful frustration over the Puritans’failure to institute popular political, economic, and religious proposals. This paper corrects Weber's portrait of the Quakers and their unique fixed price policy by paying close attention to the social climate in which they formulated this economic innovation. In doing so the research establishes an important relationship between religious doctrines and social frustrations that Weber himself did not see, but that existed in Nietzsche's theory of “resentment,” and in Eduard Bernstein's analysis of the earliest Quakers.     

The Marshall Lectures and Economy and Society

The publication of the Marshall Lectures is part of the current upswing of interest in what is happening at the boundaries between the economy and society as well as between economics and sociology. Parsons welcomed the opportunity to give the Marshall Lectures because he wanted to apply his system of action to other areas within the social sciences. Parsons'argument in the lectures, however, was too general and his interpretation of Keynes was incomplete. Economy and Sociey (Parsons and Smelser 1956) represents in these and a few other aspects a clear advance in Parsons'thinking.