Influences of culture on Asian Americans' sexuality

Asian Americans comprise a population group that is characterized by an enormous demographic, historical, and cultural heterogeneity, yet Asian Americans also share many Asian cultural characteristics such as the primacy of the family and the collective's goals over individual wishes, emphasis on propriety and social codes, the appropriation of sexuality only within the context of marriage, and sexual restraint and modesty. Although there are significant gaps in the scientific literature concerning Asian Americans sexuality, the existing data point to notable differences between Asian Americans and other ethnic groups on major aspects of sexual behavior. For example, relative to other U.S. ethnic group cohorts, Asian American adolescents and young adults tend to show more sexually conservative attitudes and behavior and initiate sexual intercourse at a later age. There are indications that as Asian Americans become more acculturated to the mainstream American culture, their attitudes and behavior become more consistent with the White American norm. Consistent with their more sexually conservative tendencies in normative sexual behavior, Asian American women also appear more reluctant to obtain sexual and reproductive care, which in turn places them at a greater risk for delay in treatment for breast and cervical cancer as well as other gynecological problems. Available data suggest that the prevalence rate of sexual abuse in Asian American communities appear lower than those of other groups, although it is not clear to what extent the low rates are due to cultural reluctance to report shameful experiences.     

Crafting places through mobility: Chinese American “roots‐searching” in China

A cultural heritage tour to China that is jointly sponsored by Chinese American organizations and the People's Republic of China government represents the “forging” (Schein 1998) of a transnational relationship between Chinese Americans and China through which Chinese Americans re‐assess their identities. Multicultural discourses in the United States and mainland Chinese government narratives of modernity produce racialized and territorialized ideas of Chineseness that forcibly attach Chinese American identities to their places of ancestral origin in China. In contrast, the Chinese American participants in this program draw from cultural and historical references formed through their experiences in the United States and use their privileges of mobility to experience their ancestral places in China in ways that draw upon multiple understandings of their relationships to China as a place. Their visits reflect transnational processes that are built upon yet qualitatively differ from those of previous generations.     

Imagining community and hoping for recognition: Bicentennial celebrations in 1976 and 1988

Bicentennial celebrations were held in the United States in 1976 and in Australia in 1988. Here, I compare talk about national identity by organizers of bicentennials in each country. The commemorations were similarly designed to enact unity while attempting to avoid apathy and dissension. They show a common repertoire of cultural claims which help address the shared constraints of their cultural production. There were also differences in the way different sorts of claims were developed. For Australians, international recognition was much more important than for Americans; for the Americans, founding moment history was much more important than for the Australians. Americans treated political values as foundational in imagined community, and the land had low salience; the reverse was true for the Australians. But both sets of organizers stressed diversity and shared spectacle to recognize, coopt, and imaginatively transcend salient cultural and political difference. The analysis suggests that there is an internationally available repertoire of claims about national identity which includes themes of international recognition, history, abstractly inclusive characteristics like political values or the land, and claims about diversity and spectacle.     

Socialization in network marketing organizations: is it cult behavior?

Network Marketing Organizations (NMOs) like Amway have been very successful in recent times. Even more surprising than the success of these organizations is the controversy they seem to attract. Average distributors belonging to these NMOs earn very little money but seem to devote a disproportionately high amount of their resources to NMO activities. The environment in the business meetings of these organizations is more representative of a social event. All this has led critics to call these organizations cults and have led to speculations that these organizations indulge in mind control. In this paper we attempt to demonstrate that there exist more rational explanations which could potentially explain the behavior of NMO distributors.     

American-Japanese cultural differences in attributions of personality based on smiles

Several studies have already documented how Americans and Japanese differ in both the expression and perception of facial expressions of emotion in general, and of smiles in particular. These cultural differences can be linked to differences in cultural display and decoding rules (Ekman, 1972; and Buck, 1984, respectively). The existence of these types of rules suggests that people of different cultures may hold different assumptions about social-personality characteristics, on the basis of smiling versus non-smiling faces. We suggest that Americans have come to associate more positive characteristics to smiling faces than do the Japanese. We tested this possibility by presenting American and Japanese judges with smiles or neutral faces (i.e., faces with no muscle movement) depicted by both Caucasian and Japanese male and female posers. The judges made scalar ratings of each face they viewed on four different dimensions. The findings did indicate that Americans and Japanese differed in their judgments, but not on all dimensions.David Matsumoto was supported in part by a research grant from the National Institute of Mental Health (MH 42749-01), and from a Faculty Award for Creativity, Scholarship, and Research from San Francisco State University. We would like to thank Masami Kobayashi, Fazilet Kasri, Deborah Krupp, Bill Roberts, and Michelle Weissman for their aid in our research program on emotion. We would especially like to thank the Editor for her excellent suggestions and help in conceptualizing this research.     

Public Humanities' (Victorian) Culture Problem

Questioning scholars who claim that the public humanities are the future of the humanities, this article argues that contemporary public humanities initiatives reproduce Victorian cultural logics by reinforcing divisions between popular and national culture, defining democracy through the state and state institutions and maintaining social inequality while perpetuating imperialism. It contends that like Victorian cultural critics, especially Matthew Arnold and John Stuart Mill, who differentiate between culture and public culture in order to exclude particular social groups from democratic participation, these contemporary programs define culture institutionally in order to secure the authority of the university. Instead of changing the principle of knowledge or cultural authority, the public humanities strengthen and legitimate established power relations as they exclude minority cultural groups. Warning against channelling new energy into old forms, the article concludes by focusing on public culture as a mode of relation rather than an institutional form.     

Black-Korean Relations:

Relations between African Americans and Korean Americans have been defined mainly by those interactions between Korean merchants and Black consumers in urban communities. The nature of this conflict has resulted in angry attitudes that have escalated the conflict to boycotts of Korean business interests, beatings due to mistaken identities, deaths on both sides and, as we noted in the recent urban uprisings, looting and burning of targeted-Korean businesses. Although the conflict appears to stem from econmic and cultural differences, it is not possible to undertand its roots without examining and understanding the results of years of Euro-centric white racism and the struggle of the two principals to the conflict as its victimes. This paper suggests using a strategy of dialogue between memebers of the two groups, at all levels, in order to reduce or resolve the conflict even thought the factors which might contribute to the conflict have not been or can not be eliminated.     

妇女引领变革的前沿———2010全球妇女峰会盛况

5月20—22日,2010全球妇女峰会在京隆重召开。一千余位来自世界各国家地区政界、商界、文艺界及非政府组织的代表欢聚一堂．庆祝全球妇女峰会成立20周年,以“屹立于21世纪经济前沿的妇女”为主题,探讨女性——作为消费者与领导者——在推动全球经济发展中起到的重要作用。     

Confucius Institute in the Sino-Thai relations: A display of China's soft power

The establishment of Confucius Institutes (CIs) is a great endeavor by the Chinese government to spread Chinese language and culture in neighboring countries. It is commonly regarded by foreign countries as part of China's soft power initiative. With the implementation of BRI, it becomes a platform to promote systematic connections with countries along the route. Based on the examination of CIs’ programmes run in Thailand, this article finds that CIs made extensive efforts in these respects and garnered the support of the Thai government, Thai royal family and local business. In this sense, CIs also serve as a soft power for the Thai government and royalty to cement their Sino-Thai relationship. Within the local community, there are varying voices. While some supported the Chinese language and cultural programme, others have expressed some dissatisfaction over the role of the CIs in the community.     

Conceptualizing Cultural Politics in Subcultural and Social Movement Studies

In this article it is argued that combining theories of social movements and subcultures provides a way of 'conceptualizing cultural politics'. The focus is on debates that have taken place over the conceptualization of subcultures and social movements as well as the status and viability of cultural politics. Contemporary subcultural theorists are critical of the rigid concepts used by the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) but, it is argued, they provide few feasible alternatives. They also have little to say about the supposed contemporary significance of cultural politics. New social movement (NSM) theorists, on the other hand, have generated conceptual frameworks that recognize the complexity of collective phenomena and have developed an approach which enables us to engage with the controversy over cultural politics. However, they concentrate too narrowly on struggles waged at the level of lifestyle, culture and civil society. The article shows how, like the CCCS, critics of NSM theory rightly question the potency of symbolic challenges and stress the persistent role of material issues and the continued part that conventional political actors, such as the state, play in contemporary social conflicts. Finally, the case of New Age Travellers is used to illuminate these debates in subcultural and social movement studies and to show how elements of each approach can be employed fruitfully in empirical research.     

On gambling research,social science and the consequences of commercial gambling

Social, political, economic, geographic and cultural processes related to the significant growth of the gambling industries have, in recent years, been the subject of a growing body of research. This body of research has highlighted relationships between social class and gambling expenditure, as well as the design, marketing and location of gambling products and businesses. It has also demonstrated the regressive nature of much gambling revenue, illuminating the influence that large gambling businesses have had on government policy and on researchers, including research priorities, agendas and outcomes. Recently, critics have contended that although such scholarship has produced important insights about the operations and effects of gambling businesses, it is ideologically motivated and lacks scientific rigour. This response explains some basic theoretical and disciplinary concepts that such critique misunderstands, and argues for the value of social, political, economic, geographic and cultural perspectives to the broader, interdisciplinary field of gambling research.     

Briefly Noted

The federal Department of Justice (DOJ) is impeding efforts to produce high‐quality marijuana for research purposes, according to a report published on Vox. In particular, California entrepreneur George Hodgin, who wants to grow it, and researchers who want to use what he grows are frustrated. “We only want to provide clean, consistent, compliant cannabis for researchers,” Hodgin, CEO of Biopharmaceutical Research Company, told Vox. “We're sitting on one of the most sophisticated cannabis production facilities in the United States. And it's empty, because the federal government is playing politics with something that is apolitical.” Because marijuana is still illegal under federal law, despite the fact that it is legal for medical and recreational purposes in some states, growing the plant for research purposes is only allowed by the federal government by the University of Mississippi. Critics say that is not of high enough quality. “I feel like the government I fought to protect doesn't understand the urgency of this problem,” said Hodgin, a retired Navy SEAL. “My story should be the American dream: A Navy SEAL uses the GI Bill to get a graduate education and start a company that helps Americans and creates jobs. But sadly, the DOJ and DEA are playing politics with science and lives, and instead big government inertia and red tape are blocking critical research.” He added: “Democrats and Republicans have both argued the need for more marijuana to be produced for research. Why would [the Justice Department] ignore them?” Indeed. It's hypocritical for the federal government to say there's no proof marijuana works as medicine, and no proof that it's safe, and at the same time ban what would make it possible to find out whether those things are true.     

BORDERS BE DAMNED: CREOLIZING LITERARY RELATIONS

Conventional literary practices have always been used to perpetuate an us/them binary that reduces potential discussions concerning diversity, transnationalism or hybridization to a simplified relationship between dominant and subordinate categories. This article proposes that in order to avoid this predicament, cultural critics should move beyond ‘vertical’ methods of analysis and instead employ intercultural models which lend themselves to a consideration of the horizontal affiliations that can be found among women writers of colour. By engaging the writings of Jessica Hagedorn, Hisaye Yamamoto and Sandra Cisneros, the article argues that multicultural analysis enables an understanding of these (social, cultural and political) affiliations between racialized women in the United States. Further, it suggests that by comparing, contrasting, and interfacing emergent literary practices within current theories of cultural and feminist studies, critics will develop a ‘creolized’ approach which will help facilitate new alliances and sensitivity among the disenfranchised.     

Culture, state and varieties of capitalism: a comparative study of life insurance markets in Hong Kong and Taiwan

This article examines the interplay between local culture, the state, and economic actors' agency in producing variation across markets. I adopt a political-cultural approach to examining why life insurance has been far more popular in Taiwan than Hong Kong, despite the presence of a cultural taboo on the topic of premature death in both societies. Based on interview data and documentary references, the findings reveal that as an independent state, the Taiwanese government heavily protected domestic insurance firms during their emergence. These domestic firms adopted a market-share approach by re-defining the concept of life insurance to accommodate the local cultural taboo. The colonial Hong Kong government, on the other hand, adopted laissez-faire policies that essentially favoured foreign insurance firms. When faced with the tension between local adaptation and the profitability of the business, these foreign firms chose the latter. Their reluctance to accommodate local cultures, however, resulted in a smaller market. I argue that state actions mediate who the dominant economic players are and that the nature of the dominant players affects the extent of localization. Specifically, the presence of competitive domestic players alongside transnational corporations is more likely to produce varieties of capitalism.     

Racial Submarkets in Government Employment: African American Managers in New York State

This paper reports on a study of the employment situation of African American managers within New York State government. We argue that affirmative action, while having created employment opportunities for minority professionals, has also created racial submarkets in government. We identify three categories of jobs, a mainstream category and two sorts of minority categories, based on the racial composition of incumbents and constituencies that they serve. African Americans in minority submarket positions appear to have equal pay relative to comparable African Americans in mainstream jobs. They are less likely to have civil service job protection. There is limited mobility between submarkets; more professionals move from the mainstream to minority positions than vice versa. In the current period of budget reductions in state government, black professionals experience considerable job insecurity and express dissatisfaction with the policies that created the minority submarket.     

MAPPING CULTURAL/POLITICAL DEBATES IN LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES

The theorization of postmodernism as the cultural logic of late capitalism has generated a number of debates among Latinos in the US and among Latin American critics in particular. This article examines a number of writings published between 1989 and 1994 by Latin American critics focusing on the viability of seeing Latin America as postmodern. We argue that in the rush to accept First World theoretical frameworks, there has been much confusion and a collapsing of economic, political and cultural categories. Conflating market growth and shifts with social change and the availability of a plurality of consumer goods with the distribution of goods and services, some critics have been quick to label cultural production in Latin America as ‘postmodern’. What is needed is a delimitation of the categories used, an examination of the cultural debate in relation to other debates on development, social movements, democratization and alliance politics, as well as an examination of local intellectual debates within the global context of restructuring and transnational capital.     

ARE THE HOMELESS TO BLAME?

Dominant ideology and public arenas theories yield different hypotheses concerning the incidence and antecedents of public beliefs about the causes of homelessness. The analysis reported here, which tests these hypotheses with data from a 1988 national telephone survey, shows that (1) more Americans believe structural rather than individualistic factors cause homelessness, (2) personal statuses like gender, political orientation, and party affiliation significantly influence such causal beliefs, but (3) the single strongest determinant is the perceived presence of—and by implication, exposure to—homeless people in one's own community. Causal beliefs in turn affect policy attitudes: respondents who consider homelessness a structural problem are more likely to favor government action than those believing in individualistic causes. While mixed, the results as a whole provide somewhat greater support for the public arenas perspective.     

African Americans,U.S. Poverty,and International Law

ABSTRACT

Statistical rates of poverty among African Americans often hide the cultural and historical nature of their intended consequences. Unfavorable outcomes for social change can occur when viewing poverty among African Americans in isolation from their unique historical and cultural experiences and U.S. social, political, and capitalistic influences. While pressures to subordinate African Americans continue, African Americans also exert pressure (e.g., social movements) as human agents in their efforts toward self-determination. In order to understand and/or ameliorate poverty in the US, policy makers, researchers, and educators must first deal with the cultural hegemony undergirding it.     

Negotiating cultural and socio-economic flows in the era of Belt and Road Initiatives: An introductory overview

This introductory chapter provides a brief overview of the development of the Belt and Road Initiatives that comprises 6 BRI corridors. It explores the reasons behind the launching and promoting of the BRI by the Mainland Chinese government. The initiative by President Xi Jinping is, in part, the fulfillment of the China Dream and his focus on the “Community of Shared Future for Mankind.” In this sense, BRI provides a platform for Mainland Chinese business community and individuals to move out of the comfort of Mainland Chinese society and embark on economic and cultural connectivity with business community and the Chinese Diaspora in the global world. At the same time, BRI also serves as a platform for the global business and Chinese community to reach into China. As such, BRI could be regarded as a soft power and a cultural power that facilitate people-to-people connectivity and enhance sociocultural and economic activities along the BRI flowscape. The papers in this volume each provides a case study of how BRI serves as a soft and cultural power that enables the individuals and the business corporations to expand in their sociocultural and economic connectivity.     

Recruiting immigrants for long-term care nursing positions

Recent immigrants and workers in foreign countries are two groups frequently identified as potential sources of new workers for nursing positions in long-term care (LTC). Recruiting workers directly from other countries, either permanently or temporarily, is difficult because of restrictive visa classifications; is unlikely to impact significantly the worker shortage; and may have risks that outweigh the potential rewards. On the other hand, with targeted recruitment and retention efforts, the nation's rapidly growing immigrant population (the so-called "New Americans") can become an even more important source of labor for frontline LTC workers. To be successful employees in LTC, however, New Americans will have to overcome a variety of cultural and language barriers. Equally important, the institutions and agencies that comprise the LTC system must exhibit a higher level of sensitivity to cultural differences. Efforts to recruit, train, and retain New Americans for positions in LTC present win-win opportunities and should be expanded.