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1.
In this paper we use findings from an empirical study of the meaning of tranquilliser prescribing and use to examine the contention that these drugs are a means of social control, and to assess the explanatory value of the concept of social control when applied to the doctor-patient relationship. We first outline the historical application of the concept to the health field, specify the cultural mechanisms by which social control is said to be achieved and look at the ways in which the mechanisms are thought to operate through the prescribing of the most widely used kind of tranquilliser/hypnotic-benzodiazepines (e.g. Valium, Mogadon). We then draw on our data to see how far they substantiate the arguments which have been developed. In the final section of the paper we suggest some alternative explanations regarding the nature of doctors' power and of patient dependence. We also discuss problems involved in conceptualizing gender and class ideologies, note an inherent tendency towards an over-socialized view of the person and assess the usefulness of functionalist explanations stemming from the application of the social control concept to the doctor-patient relationship.  相似文献   

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Collective violence is often social control: self-help by a group. It typically defines and responds to conduct as deviant. When unilateral and nongovernmental, it appears in four major forms—lynching, rioting, vigilantism, and terrorism—each distinguished by its system of liability (individual or collective) and degree of organization (higher or lower). Following Donald Black's paradigm of pure sociology, the central assumption is that collective violence varies with its location and direction in social space—the conflict structure. I offer ten propositions that predict and explain the likelihood and severity of collective violence in general and the four forms of collective violence in particular. Conflict structures with a high degree of relational distance, cultural distance, functional independence, and inequality between the adversaries are associated with collective violence in general. Each of the four forms depends on the degree of social polarization between the parties as well as the continuity of the deviant behavior to which the violence responds. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, August 1992, and the Centennial Congress of the International Institute of Sociology, University of Paris (Sorbonne), Paris, June 1993.  相似文献   

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Medicine as an institution of social control   总被引:26,自引:0,他引:26  
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Abstract

The information environment that social movements face is increasingly complex, making traditional assumptions about media, messaging, and communication used in social movement studies less relevant. Building on work begun within the study of digital protest, we argue that a greater integration of political communication research within social movement studies could offer substantial research contributions. We illustrate this claim by discussing how a greater focus on audiences and message reception, as well as message context, could advance the study of social movements. Specifically, we discuss a range of topics as applied to movement research, including information overload, selective attention, perceptions of bias, the possibilities that entertainment-related communications open up, and priming, among other topics. We suggest the risks of not adapting to this changing information environment, and incorporating insights from political communication, affect both the study of contemporary (including digital) protest, as well as potentially historical protest. The possibilities opened up by this move are immense including entirely new research programs and questions.  相似文献   

6.

Viewed from a conflict perspective, governmental agencies are tools of power and privilege. Subservient to powerful economic interest groups, regulatory agencies are claimed to exercise little, if any, effective control over the activities of big business.

Four hypotheses derived from a conflict perspective on the social control of big business are set forth: (1) less social control is exercised over big business than small business; (2) since the onset of the consumer movement, big business has been more frequently sanctioned; (3) over time big business “captures” regulatory agencies which results in a general decrease in the percentage of social control efforts directed toward big business; and (4) when big business is sanctioned, the smaller, less powerful of those businesses are sanctioned.

In this study the pattern of sanctioning of big business by a major federal regulatory agency is examined. Specifically, data on the issuance of cease and desist orders to business enterprises by the Federal Trade Commission over a twenty‐three year span of time are analyzed. The implications of the findings for each of the four hypotheses and for conflict theory in general are discussed.  相似文献   

7.
The social worker as psychoanalyst   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This paper examines the development of social workers as psychoanalysts to determine whether psychoanalysis is a legitimate function of social work. Historically, social work has found psychoanalytic theory helpful. However, it is generally understood that for the caseworker to competently practice psychoanalytic psychotherapy, advanced training is necessary. Although many social workers have availed themselves of this opportunity, the profession continues to believe that the practice of psychoanalysis is incompatible with social work. This is based upon an inaccurate conception of psychoanalysis. Since the social work psychoanalyst is concerned with the client's adaptation to the environment, his or her practice can easily be defined as clinical social work.  相似文献   

8.
This paper examines the state of intellectual activity within social work under the conditions of neo-liberalism. It is motivated by concern with the demise of what previously was termed ‘bottom-up’ social work and a growing sense of despair amongst front line social workers regarding their capacity to engage with users, citizens and communities in ways other than those determined by managerial and regulatory mechanisms. This leads us into a discussion about the possibilities of what it might mean for social workers to think of themselves as ‘intellectuals’. It considers the different meanings of the term ‘intellectual’ and argues that social work has much to gain from the tradition which has identified new kinds of public sector professionals as ‘transformative intellectuals’.  相似文献   

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Selon les formulations classiques de la théorie de la rente foncière, les concepts de manque et de monopole sont essentiellement requis pour l'émergence de cette rente. Tel a été le cas dans les prairies canadiennes malgré la disponibilité de millions d'acres de terre agricole vierge. Cette étude explique pourquoi, en appliquant les théories ricardienne et marxiste de la rente foncière au contexte canadien. L'étude soutient que les contraintes techniques ont contribuéà ce manque de terre qu'on aurait pu diriger vers la production commerciale, mais qu'elles n'ont cependant pas été la seule cause de l'émergence de la rente foncière. De plus, l'étude appuie la théorie marxiste en démontrant que l'émergence de la rente foncière était due à la position structurelle des propriétaires de la terre qui leur a permis d'empêcher cette terre viable de produire. It argues that technical constraints produced a scarcity of land that could be brought into commercial production. Yet, it demonstrates that scarcity was not a sufficient condition for the emergence of ground-rent. Furthermore, it supports Marx's theory by demonstrating that the emergence of ground-rent rested upon the structural position of the landholders, which permitted them to withhold viable land from production. Classical formulations of the theory of ground-rent focus on the concepts of scarcity and monopoly as essential pre-conditions for the emergence of ground-rent. With millions of acres of free homestead land available on the Canadian Prairies, how could there have been either scarcity or monopoly? Yet, ground-rent clearly emerged on this agricultural frontier. By specifically applying the Ricardian and Marxist theories of ground-rent to the Canadian frontier, this study proposes an explanation.  相似文献   

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This paper focuses on the instrumentalist Marxist model which has been used to explain the policies of the British state in the field of ‘race’-education. After discussing the model's core assumptions and its application in this field the paper explores the model's explanatory adequacy through a case study of the role of the quasi-state agencies of the ‘race’-relations industry in developing ‘race’-education policy in initial teacher education. It ends by considering whether a new conceptual framework is needed to understand ‘race’-education policy.  相似文献   

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The origin and handling of doctor-patient conflict can be understood with reference to the sociological aspects of professional health care. This premise is explored by applying Black's theory of social control to the empirical evidence concerning malpractice litigation in the United States. The vertical, organizational, and relational distances between the health care provider and the patient are particularly relevant for predicting when malpractice claims will be made and how they will be resolved. These social-structural variables help explain several patterns in the American malpractice experience, including the aggregate increase in claim rates over the past four decades; the persistence of toleration as the modal response to medical injury; why poorer patients are less suit-prone than higher income patients; why surgical specialties have higher claim rates than general practice and psychiatry; why hospitals are sued disproportionately less often than individual doctors; and the relatively high frequency of prodefendant decisions when lawsuits are decided by a judge or jury.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, August 1992.  相似文献   

17.

Drawing upon social control theory in criminology, this paper examines the relationship between gender roles and the inhibitors of deviance. We develop and test hypotheses that “traditional” females, defined in terms of either position in the social structure or gender‐role attitudes, perceive higher levels of three types of sanctions assocíated with crime than do males; while “nontraditional” females are similar to males in their perceptions of sanctions. Results indicate that while changing gender roles and gender‐role attitudes affect perceived threats of guilt‐feelings and social stigma, they do not appear to influence women's perceptions of legal sanctions.  相似文献   

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This article engages with debates about the UK Disabled People’s Movement’s ‘Big Idea’ – the social model of disability – positioning this as an ‘oppositional device’. This concept is adapted from the work of the art theorist and activist Brian Holmes, elaborated using insights from Foucault and others. The model’s primary operation is introducing contingency into the present, facilitating disabled people’s resistance-practices. We recognise, however, that the device can operate in a disciplinary manner when adopted by a machinery of government. Whilst our primary goal is to understand the character and operation of the social model, by providing a more general definition of an oppositional device as the concrete operation of technologies of power, we also propose a concept potentially useful for the analysis of the resistance-practices of activists involved in a wide variety of struggles. This concept may thus have implications for wider social and political analysis.  相似文献   

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