Hegemony's Dirty Tricks: Explaining Counter-Globalization's Weakness in Times of Neoliberal Crisis

Against the backdrop of the international financial and sovereign debt crisis, this article revisits the development of the counter-globalization movements in the global North over the past thirteen years. How can we explain that the systemic failures of the current order are not being met through a broad ideological formation posing a serious challenge to the neoliberal hegemony in international politics and political economy? Why have the mass protests at summit meetings and democratic deliberation experiments at social forums not prepared the ground for such an ideological formation? Drawing on (neo-)Gramscian concepts, this paper argues that the counter-globalization movements' ‘war of maneuver’ has not been complemented by an adequate ‘war of position’. Counter-hegemonic dissent articulated broadly on the streets has not translated into counter-hegemonic capacity. Without focusing on movement-internal reasons, this article highlights the role played by the strength of the opponent in preventing such success. Our analysis sheds light on three important macro-contextual factors: the difficulties created for establishing counter-hegemony in international politics when hegemonic powers insulate themselves from critique; the co-optation of critical discourse that is achieved by bending critique into a new legitimation strategy for neoliberal measures; and the de-politicization of power relations by current international security discourses and policies. Together, these macro-contextual factors help explain how neoliberal forces successfully prevent counter-globalization movements from moving from ‘war of maneuver’ to ‘war of position’ and becoming counter-hegemonic, even in times of neoliberal crisis.

Desde el punto de vista de la crisis de la deuda soberana y financiera internacional, este artículo vuelve a tratar el desarrollo de los movimientos antiglobalización en el norte global, durante los últimos trece años. ¿Cómo podemos explicar que los fallos sistémicos del orden actual no se hayan satisfecho mediante una formación ideológica amplia, planteando un reto serio a la hegemonía neoliberal en las políticas internacional y económica? ¿Por qué no han preparado el terreno, las protestas masivas en las reuniones cumbre y en los experimentos de deliberación democrática en los fórums sociales, para tal formación ideológica? A partir de conceptos (neo-)gramscianos, este artículo sostiene que ‘los movimientos antiglobalización, ‘la guerra de maniobra’ no han sido complementados por una adecuada ‘guerra de posición’. La disidencia antihegemónica ampliamente articulada en las calles, no se ha reflejado en una capacidad antihegemónica. Sin enfocarse en las razones de los movimientos internos, este artículo destaca el rol jugado por la fuerza del oponente, para prevenir tal logro. Nuestro análisis esclarece tres importantes factores macrocontextuales: las dificultades creadas para establecer una antihegemonía en la política internacional, cuando los poderes hegemónicos se aíslan de la crítica, la cooptación de un debate crítico que se logra doblegando a la crítica a una nueva estrategia de legitimación para medidas neoliberales; y la despolitización de las relaciones del poder mediante debates de seguridad y política. Juntos, estos factores macrocontexuales ayudan a explicar cómo las fuerzas neoliberales previenen exitosamente a los movimientos antiglobalización de pasar de una ‘guerra de maniobra’ a una ‘guerra de posición’ y volverse antigemónicos, incluso en tiempos de crisis neoliberales.

以国际金融和主权债务危机为背景,本文重新思考过去13年的全球的北方的反全球化运动的演变。我们如何解释,当前秩序的系统性失败并未产生一个对国际政治和国际政治经济中的新自由主义霸权构成严峻挑战的宽广的意识形态构成？为什么在各类峰会中的大规模抗议和在各类社会论坛中民主的主张之实验没有为这样的意识形态构成准备依据？借助（新）葛兰西主义的概念,本文认为,反全球化运动的“策略战争”（war of maneuver）并未被足够的“立场战争”（war of position）所补充。 街头的广泛的反霸权的异议并未转化为反霸权的能力。并未聚焦于运动的内部理由,本文强调反全球化的优点组织了这样的成功。我们的分析着重于三大重要的宏观背景因素：国际政治中建立反霸权的困难性,当霸权的各国不理会批评;批评的话语的被吸收,新自由主义措施的新立法策略纳入了一些批评;由目前的国际安全话语和政策而存在的大国关系的去政治化 （de-politicization） 。综合起来,这些宏观的背景因素帮助解释了,即使在新自由主义的危机时代,新自由主义势力如何成功地阻挡了反全球化运动从“策略的战争”到“立场的战争”以及反霸权。

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На фоне международного финансового и полновластного долгового кризисов, статья пересматривает развитие антиглобализационных движений в странах Севера за последние тринадцать лет. Как можно объяснить, что системные сбои существующего порядка не решаются в рамках широкого идеологического формирования, представляя серьезную проблему для неолиберальной гегемонии в международной политике и политической экономии? Почему массовые протесты против встреч на высшем уровне и демократические эксперименты, рассмотренные на социальных форумах не подготовили почву для такого идеологического формирования? С опорой на неограмшианские понятия, в статье утверждается, что “маневренная война” антиглобализационных движений не была дополнена адекватной “позиционной войной”. Контргегемонистское инакомыслие, широко сформулированное на улицах, не привело к контргегемонистской мощи. Не сосредотачиваясь на причинах внутри движения, эта статья выдвигает на первый план роль, которую силы противника играют в предотвращении такого успеха. Наш анализ проливает свет на три важных макроконтекстных фактора: созданы трудности для основания контргегемонии в международной политике, при изоляции гегемонистских держав от критики; кооптация критического дискурса, которая достигается путем перехода критики в новую стратегию легитимизации неолиберальных мер; и деполитизации властных отношений на действующих международных дискурсах о безопасности и политике. Вместе эти макроконтекстуальные факторы помогают объяснить, как неолиберальные силы успешно препятствуют тому, чтобы антиглобализационные движения перешли от “маневренной войны” к “войне позиционной” и стали контргегемонией даже во времена неолиберального кризиса.     

Politics after National Development: Explaining the Populist Rise under Late Capitalism

Ten years after the global financial crisis, the world is living through times of great political uncertainty and turbulence. While the current historical juncture has presented renewed opportunities for progressive articulations against marketisation and the individualisation of risk (i.e. neoliberalism), more prominently it has awoken the ghosts of nationalism and various reactionary forms of populism. This article’s contribution is in contextualising this novel momentum within late capitalism. We argue that the combination of techno-logistical transformations in production and pro-market policy sets that facilitated the globalisation of capital, and which dealt a death blow to national development strategies, was met by elites with intensified efforts to dislocate politics from society through processes of ‘depoliticisation’ that in turn allowed for further marketising efforts. However, this dislocation has dovetailed with a formidable social crisis characterised by unprecedented levels of inequality and vulnerability amid immense wealth, calling into question the elite consensus around neoliberalism. While the leaders of the current political reawakening often distinguish themselves against post-political forms of neoliberal governance, they remain confronted by powerful interests and significant structural constraints as they promote solutions for global problems within the anachronistic confines of the nation-state.     

Neoliberal co-optation and authoritarian renewal: social entrepreneurship networks in Jordan and Morocco

ABSTRACT

This paper analyzes social entrepreneurship networks (SENs) – composed of social entrepreneurs, business and political elites, and international actors – in Jordan and Morocco and how they foster processes of authoritarian renewal through neoliberal forms of co-optation. I argue that these new neoliberal networks and pre-existing patterns of social interaction complement each other, fostering linkages between well-established elites and hand-picked social entrepreneurs as well as societal groups. The two case studies illustrate different trajectories of the development of SENs and their embeddedness in the respective political, social and economic contexts. Importantly, such trajectories indicate a similar direction of travel: social entrepreneurship, rather than acting as a driver of progressive change, has been aligned with the authoritarian regimes and cements neoliberalism as a mode of governance. This mutation of neoliberal tactics towards more inclusionary and consensual patterns seeks to ensure the survival of both neoliberalism and of authoritarian governance. Thus, the article brings to light repertoires of authoritarian neoliberalism that have hitherto been under-studied. Moreover, it offers a critical perspective on social entrepreneurship as an increasingly popular phenomenon that, in academia and beyond, has all too often been approached from an uncritical and apolitical perspective.     

Crafting the Neoliberal State: Workfare,Prisonfare, and Social Insecurity1

In Punishing the Poor, I show that the ascent of the penal state in the United States and other advanced societies over the past quarter‐century is a response to rising social insecurity, not criminal insecurity; that changes in welfare and justice policies are interlinked, as restrictive “workfare” and expansive “prisonfare” are coupled into a single organizational contraption to discipline the precarious fractions of the postindustrial working class; and that a diligent carceral system is not a deviation from, but a constituent component of, the neoliberal Leviathan. In this article, I draw out the theoretical implications of this diagnosis of the emerging government of social insecurity. I deploy Bourdieu’s concept of “bureaucratic field” to revise Piven and Cloward’s classic thesis on the regulation of poverty via public assistance, and contrast the model of penalization as technique for the management of urban marginality to Michel Foucault’s vision of the “disciplinary society,” David Garland’s account of the “culture of control,” and David Harvey’s characterization of neoliberal politics. Against the thin economic conception of neoliberalism as market rule, I propose a thick sociological specification entailing supervisory workfare, a proactive penal state, and the cultural trope of “individual responsibility.” This suggests that we must theorize the prison not as a technical implement for law enforcement, but as a core political capacity whose selective and aggressive deployment in the lower regions of social space violates the ideals of democratic citizenship.     

Capitalism as a social movement: the corporate and neoliberal reconstructions of the American political economy in the twentieth century

This paper examines the ways in which social movements based among leading capitalists have remade the US political economy. In the first part we examine the period from the late 1880s through the 1920s, sketching the emergence of a hegemonic movement that accomplished the re-embedding of capitalist social relations during the corporate reconstruction of American capitalism. In the second, we examine the disembedding of capitalist relations during the contemporary neoliberal era. The paper makes three major arguments. First, capitalists not just subaltern groups resort to collective action outside of institutional channels of authority and power. Second, during organic crises the movements of capitalists will join with movements of subaltern groups to create hegemonic projects, whose disparate supporters are articulated by discourses. Third, the concept of ‘social movement’ itself should be understood as a constituent part of a larger social formation and not sealed off from features of capitalism and the state. Indeed, hegemonic social movements have reconstructed the larger landscape that social movement theory normally takes for granted as a background. In applying this approach to the contested topic of neoliberalism, we argue that it was not primarily a class-based coup, a policy, ideology, or culture shift but a discourse that united elements of the left and the right as well as a ‘historic bloc’ with homes in both major parties. During both periods subaltern groups played an important role in the hegemonic movements that created corporate capitalism and later neoliberalism.     

Experiencing Stigma and Exclusion: The Influence of Neoliberal Perspectives,Practices, and Policies on Living with Chronic Illness and Disability

Neoliberal perspectives, policies, and practices increasingly affect chronically ill and disabled people's embodied experiences of stigma and exclusion. Neoliberalism emphasizes individual responsibility and self-sufficiency, a limited social safety net, and narrow governmental accountability. Examining pivotal experiences of chronically ill people shows how neoliberalism can frame their alternatives, interactions, and actions. This examination prompts reconsidering Goffman's concept of stigma to include how larger social policies and practices affect experiencing stigma and exclusion and, also, illuminates temporal features of receiving a diagnosis, disclosing illness, and dealing with disabilities and unpredictable bodies. The analysis derives from an ethnographic story and published and unpublished personal accounts from first-hand and library research over the course of my career.     

Neoliberal discourses and ethnonormative regime in post-recognition Peru: redefining hierarchies and identities

ABSTRACT

This article analyses the impact of ‘recognition’ of cultural and ethnic diversity in Peru. It proposes that the rise of a new global ‘ethnonormativity’ – a regime to define and administrate cultural and identity differences, to establish boundaries between those who ‘are’ ethnic and those who are not, and to set rights and duties derived from identities – has had meagre effects in Peru. While the past decades have witnessed the emergence of Latin American political actors who regard indigenousness as their basic political identity, there has been no ‘emergence of indigenous movements’ in Peru. The discourses that highlight the importance of diversity have gained terrain – unsettling, to a certain extent, the narratives of assimilation through ‘development’ and mestizaje – and the Peruvian state has officially embraced ‘recognition’, including it in its official rhetoric and creating institutions to design policies to guarantee the rights of the indigenous and Afroperuvian ‘peoples’ (itself a label part of the language of multiculturalism). The state has also crafted a definition of ‘indigenous peoples’ and introduced ethnic variables in censuses and official statistics, thus being active in the production and regulation of subjects. Some civil society actors have also incorporated ethnic labels into their rhetoric to adapt to the global turn to identity politics. Peru remains, however, a fertile terrain for neoliberal policies and discourses of a different kind. A discourse that exalts ‘emprendedurismo’ (entrepreneurship) and states that success depends entirely on personal effort has become a new common sense, obscuring the structural inequality that has historically affected indigenous and Afroperuvian people. Extractivism continues to damage the environment and the rights of indigenous people, while the expansion of agribusiness in the coastal valleys of Peru keeps people – regardless of their ‘ethnic’ self-identification – in poverty and without basic labour and social rights. The article suggests that the ambiguities of the ethnonormative regime in Peru may serve as a diversion from structural issues in a context of neoliberalism and may re-elaborate racial hierarchies, racism and the narratives of mestizaje it allegedly opposes.     

Righteous Dopefiend and AIDS,Sex, and Culture: Global Politics and Survival in Southern Africa

This essay offers a comparative reading of two ethnographies, Ida Susser's AIDS, Sex, and Culture: Global Politics and Survival in Southern Africa (2009 Susser, I. 2009. AIDS, Sex, and Culture: Global Politics and Survival in Southern Africa, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]), a multisited text focused on community responses to dynamics of HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment in Southern Africa, and Philippe Bourgois and Jeff Schonberg's Righteous Dopefiend (2009 Bourgois, P. and Schonberg, J. 2009. Righteous Dopefiends, Berkeley: University of California Press.  [Google Scholar]), a photo-ethnographic exploration of lumpen subjectivity within an encampment of homeless drug addicts in San Francisco. Pointing out these texts' common focus on circumstances of the precarious and marginal poor under conditions of neoliberalization, social conditions shaping dynamics of HIV prevention, and poor people's negotiations of affliction and structural violence, this essay highlights the theoretical and practical effects of these books' divergent methodologies, scopes of analysis, and differing degrees of emphasis on subjective experience as well as women's experiences. It also considers a key commonality across these texts: their attention to the role of historical experience and political-economic context in shaping responses to affliction and structural violence.     

Politics of geographic exclusion: deinstitutionalization,hegemony and persons with intellectual disability in Israel

Deinstitutionalization is a core policy for the development of services for people with intellectual disabilities (ID) in western countries. Nonetheless, although a western country, deinstitutionalization is not well advanced in Israel. In order to shed light on this phenomenon, we explore the hegemony of ID as reflected in Israeli legislation. The analysis shows a biomedical hegemony; ID is depicted as a form of medical and social deviance. Israel’s legislation reflects paternalistic views of persons with ID, who are largely seen as vulnerable objects of pity, to be cared for and protected.     

The Euro,EU Social Democracy,and International Monetary Power: A Critique of New Constitutionalism

This article critically interrogates the principle claims of the ‘new constitutionalist’ thesis, particularly as applied to the evaluation of European monetary union (EMU). In doing so, it argues for the (continuing) efficacy of the euro as a vector for social democratic advance both at the EU and global levels. It is argued that new constitutionalism's exclusive focus on the internal and external ‘neoliberal’ constraints EMU imposes on social democracy is overdrawn. The article critically examines the internal and external dimension of EMU's alleged ‘self-limitation’. Drawing on evidence from the recent eurozone crises as well as the SGP crisis of the early to mid-2000s, it is argued that EMU's internal self-limitation has been consistently subject to successful challenge and reform through a process of ‘permanent renegotiation’. This has played out in the context of ongoing tension within EMU between alternative models of integration and decision-making. In terms of the external dimension, the article focuses on the euro's structural power and the potential this provides for global leverage. It is argued that new constitutionalism exaggerates American dominance in the global monetary domain, deflecting attention from fundamental changes in the structure and politics of international money that have contributed to the diffusion of power in a new conjuncture marked by policy conflict, contestation and uncertainty. The ‘presence’ of euro is one such structural change.

Este artículo interroga críticamente el punto principal de la tesis de los ‘nuevos constitucionalistas,’ particularmente como se aplica a la evaluación de la Unión Monetaria Europea (UEM, por su sigla en inglés). Al hacer esto, argumenta por la (continua) eficacia del euro, como un vector para el avance social democrático, tanto a nivel de la Unión Europea como global. Sostiene que el enfoque exclusivo del nuevo constitucionalismo en el ‘neoliberalismo’ interno y externo y las restricciones que la Unión monetaria europea impone a la democracia social, son una exageración. El artículo examina críticamente la dimensión interna y externa de la UEM como una supuesta ‘autolimitación.’ Partiendo de la evidencia tanto de la reciente crisis de la zona del euro, como de la crisis del SGP del principio a mediados de la década del 2000, propone que la autolimitación interna de la UEM ha estado consistentemente sujeta al reto y la reforma, a través de un proceso de ‘renegociación permanente’. Esto se materializó en el contexto de la tensión en curso dentro de la UEM entre modelos alternativos de integración y la toma de decisiones. En términos de la dimensión externa, el artículo se enfoca en el poder estructural del euro y el potencial que esto provee para el apalancamiento global. Se sostiene que el nuevo constitucionalismo exagera el domino americano en el dominio monetario, desviando la atención a los cambios fundamentales en las estructuras y políticas de la moneda internacional, que ha contribuido a la difusión del poder en una coyuntura marcada por el conflicto político, la disputa y la incertidumbre. La ‘presencia’ del euro es uno de los grandes cambios estructurales.

本文批判性地质问“新立宪主义者”的观点,尤其是当运用于欧洲货币联盟改革评价时。在此情况下,它论证了在欧盟及全球层次上都作为一种社会民主主义发展矢量的欧元的持续性效力。本文认为,新立宪主义对欧洲货币联盟施加于社会民主主义的内部和外部的“新自由主义”约束所给予的独有关注被夸大了。文章批判性地考察了欧洲货币联盟所谓“自我限制”的内部和外部维度。以最近欧元区的危机以及世纪之初稳定与增长公约的危机为据,本文提出欧洲货币联盟的内部自我限制一直受到“长久再协商”进程中的成功改革与挑战。这在欧洲货币联盟内一体化与决策的可选模式之间当前的紧张背景下已经走到头。在外部维度上,本文关注欧元区的结构性实力以及为全球影响力做准备的潜在实力。本文认为,新立宪主义夸大了全球货币领域的美国支配地位,从而忽视了在一个以政策冲突、论争和不确定性为标志的紧要关头,对权力扩散产生了促进作用的国际货币结构与政治的根本性变革。欧元的“存在”就是这样一种结构变革。

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Framing Free Trade Agreements: The Politics of Nationalism in the Anti-Neoliberal Globalization Movement in South Korea

This paper offers a critical analysis of the current political trajectory of the anti-neoliberal globalization movement (ANGM) in South Korea. Drawing on framing theory, it analyzes the ways in which the Korean ANGM interpreted a free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States. This article postulates that national sovereignty was the master frame of the Korean ANGM and that the movement has projected the nation-state as the ethical guardian of ‘national interests’ without specifying an alternative trading or economic model that can better serve the interests of the people. Thus, through pointing out the shortcomings of a nationalist framing that ignores the class relations and conflicting interests that ultimately shape the contents of any trade or economic development model, this article seeks to bring attention to the limitations of the ANGM as well as the need to develop alternatives to the existing global trading system.

Este artículo ofrece una visión crítica de la trayectoria política del movimiento de globalización antineoliberal (ANGM, por sus siglas en inglés) en Corea del Sur. Extrayendo de una teoría enmarcada, el artículo analiza las maneras como el movimiento de globalización antineoliberal enmarcó un tratado de libre comercio (FTA, por sus siglas en inglés) con los Estados Unidos y luego discute las limitaciones y las deficiencias de la enmarcación del movimiento del tratado de libre comercio. Sostiene que la soberanía nacional fue la enmarcación principal del movimiento coreano y que la enmarcación nacionalista del tratado de libre comercio, no era fundamentalmente diferente del discurso hegemónico de la elite coreana, sobre el tratado de libre comercio. También asume que dado que los principales prognósticos de los marcos del movimiento se enfocaron al proteccionismo selectivo y capitalismo de bienestar, tendieron a limitar el rango de alternativas a la globalización neoliberal.

     

Protest Through Presence: Spatial Citizenship and Identity Formation in Contestations of Neoliberal Crises

We live in a contested, crisis-prone era, indicative of ongoing processes of neoliberalization. The most recent global financial and food crises have disproportionately impacted those already marginalized in society: people of colour and the working classes. The spatial expressions of this disproportionality are especially acute, evidenced by the uneven distribution of the basic necessities of food and home. Activists in the USA are responding with forms of spatial citizenship, namely exercising their right to peaceably assemble and reclaiming public spaces. During the creation of spaces of dissent, we observe the fluid formation of a collective spatialized identity among social movement actors, contingent on political identities and ideology. We use two cases based in Florida to highlight these processes. The first case is a local iteration of the Occupy Wall Street protests, Occupy Gainesville, which has occupied the city's most central public gathering place, the Bo Diddley Community Plaza. The second case involves Food Not Bombs in the city of Orlando where attempts were made to ban the group from distributing food in public parks to the homeless and working poor. First, these cases highlight the spatiotemporal relationships between unjust economic systems and the state surveillance and policing apparatus and those resisting such systems. Second, they reveal how collective identity influences and in turn is influenced by space. Our article furthers a processual, dynamic understanding of activist mobilizations to reduce the uneven burdens of neoliberalization and argues for greater attention to the spatialities of contentious politics.     

Feminist Politics in Contemporary Turkey: Neoliberal Attacks,Feminist Claims to the Public

This article aims to offer a critical reading of the feminist claims to the public sphere in Turkey in the 2000s when there was transformation in the way public and private spheres are defined. We try to link the feminist claims to the public with the shifts in the patriarchal regime of the country in the decade. The main argument of the article is that feminist politics of the 2000s had the potential for an alternative imagination of the public and that they also faced the risk of assimilation into the de-/re-publicization process of the same period. The article starts with a brief outline of the post-1980 period, which hosted both the emergence of independent feminist organizing and the neoliberal restructuration of Turkey’s politics. It continues with the analysis of the Justice and Development Party’s terms in government, as the consolidation of neoliberal restructuration process. We conclude with the (possible) feminist interventions to the new mode of patriarchy that emerges out of this process.     

Naming Regulations and Indigenous Rights in Argentina

In Argentina, parents must register their children at the Civil Registry to receive a national identification card, choosing their child's name from a list maintained by provincial Civil Registry offices. This process regulates all citizens, but it is particularly onerous for indigenous parents who wish to give their child an indigenous name. In tracing the letter and practice of the law and responses to the law, I argue that the regulation of names is a political process with racial and gender assumptions built into it. These assumptions translate into exclusionary implications for membership in national identity. For indigenous people in Argentina, this is particularly problematic, as they are already largely invisible to the national body. Although indigenous people are challenging aspects of the law they are not challenging the very premise of the law—that the state has the right to control their access to citizenship through a law regulating children's names. Finally, the successes of indigenous parents in using an indigenous name has the unintended consequence of turning indigenous names into cultural commodities, thus diminishing the validity of indigenous political critiques of the law.     

The student movement in Turkey: a case study of the relationship between (re)politicization and democratization

One particularly striking aspect of the global waves of social movements is the increasing politicization of youth, including students. Taking this as its starting point, this article discusses what the politicization of youth could mean for democracy and democratization in Turkey. This is important because, especially since 2011, Turkish politics has been dominated by debates concerning authoritarianization. Focusing on the largest student organization in Turkey, the Student Collectives (SC), this article shows that the relationship between politicization and democratization is more complicated than at first sight. Some aspects of the student movement in Turkey suggest it is an important moment of democratization in Turkey while other aspects arouse scepticism. Three crucial indicators of a movement’s democratic potential are whether it attends to deciphering the existing constellation of power relations, reflects on the possibility of installing a counter-hegemony and gives importance to collective identities. However, the SC’s potential democratic contribution is weakened by its conceptualization of democratic struggle in terms of antagonism rather than agonism through ‘moralizing’ politics. Moreover, its reluctance to engage with institutions of representative democracy further complicates the matter. The main contribution of this study is its discussion of various forms of politicization and their possible effects on democratization; and to give some clues to the activists of different social movements that can be helpful in their self-reflection.     

Philanthrocapitalism as a Neoliberal (Development Agenda) artefact: philanthropic discourse and hegemony in (financing for) international development*

ABSTRACT

Based on a critical analysis of the structurally neoliberal financing for development (FfD) system established by the Addis Ababa Action Agenda, this article contributes to the literature that views the 2030 Agenda as a new phase of the Neoliberal Development Agenda (NDA), which has been consolidated as hegemonic within the international development (ID) field in recent decades. Additionally, considering philanthrocapitalism as an ideological framework that proposes its own diagnoses and prognoses, we analyse various discourses of relevant Philanthrocapitalist Institutions and International Organizations to point how they legitimate themselves. This article shows how philanthrocapitalism has been constituted not only as a key element within the current model of FfD but also as a genuine neoliberal artefact designed to encapsulate the NDA apparatus, and fostered by the discourse of international agencies to contribute to the meta-objective of consolidating the neoliberal model as hegemonic in the ID arena.     

Juridical Framings of Immigrants in the United States and France: Courts,Social Movements,and Symbolic Politics

This study reexamines the engagement of U.S. and French courts with immigration politics, aiming to provide a fuller accounting of how law and immigration politics shape one another. Jurisprudential principles are placed in national and historical context, elucidating the role of rights‐oriented legal networks in formulating these arguments during the 1970s and early 1980s. The analysis traces how these judicial constructions of immigrants subsequently contributed to catalyzing a transformation of immigration politics in both countries. Immigrant rights jurisprudence is shown to be produced by, as well as productive of, broader political values, agendas, and identities.     

Local Moral Economies: The Space,Place, and Locality of Social Media Mobilisation

This study is a case study of a locally rooted environmental campaign on the Swedish island of Gotland. We aim to enhance the understanding of how locality is manifested in social movements that emerge in today’s networked world. We analyse how the double goals of speaking to, as well as beyond, the local context came into expression in the movement’s social media activities. We draw on data from tweets and Facebook posts and include interactions between activists and critics as well as the resources linked to in the posts. Analysis indicates that the conflict must be seen as spanning across local, national and global levels. In line with earlier research, activists used social media to link their struggle with other struggles. Also, it was used to charge the local struggle with symbolic content by framing it as one of many struggles between local communities, authorities and multinational corporations. Beyond this, posts from the island signalled dedication to the history and long-term interests of the community. We argue that future studies should recognise the crucial role that reciprocity norms in the local community can play for outcomes of conflicts and that the notion of a ‘local moral economy’ can be used to reach a deeper understanding of this.