Twelve Years After: The Berlin Wall as Will and Idea

The Berlin Wall at different times in its ignominious history has been demonized by Western opinion less because of its real paltry role in the Cold War tension in Europe than because of the fears and frustrations it generated within Europe. This is the central theme and claim of this paper. We attempt to show through an excursion of personal and institutional events how the perceptions of Soviet communist realities were refracted through the icon of the Wall as a Cold War symbol.     

Twelve Years After: The Berlin Wall as Will and Idea

The Berlin Wall at different times in its ignominious history has been demonized by Western opinion less because of its real paltry role in the Cold War tension in Europe than because of the fears and frustrations it generated within Europe. This is the central theme and claim of this paper. We attempt to show through an excursion of personal and institutional events how the perceptions of Soviet communist realities were refracted through the icon of the Wall as a Cold War symbol.     

Controversies of US‐USSR Cultural Contacts During the Cold War: The Perspective of Latvian Refugees1

Abstract This article analyzes the conflict that emerged regarding the so‐called US‐USSR “cultural contacts” during the Cold War within the exile community of American Latvians. While most of the American political and cultural elites saw cultural exchanges with the Soviets as beneficial, the reactions of the émigrés were much more controversial and polarizing. This study reveals the unrecognized side of the Cold War politics as experienced by the refugee groups. The study employs American, Latvian and Soviet publications, memoirs, interviews and archival materials.     

Visualities of strategic vision: Lookout Mountain Laboratory and the deterrent state from nuclear tests to Vietnam

This article considers two visual cultures of America’s deterrent state in the Cold War, the cinematic and cybernetic, by following the history of the 600th Photographic Squadron of the United States (US) Air Force in Vietnam and its 1950s progenitor, the 1352nd Motion Picture Squadron, or Lookout Mountain Laboratory. We argue that cinematic and cybernetic visual cultures were at the heart of a Cold War visual alliance that was also a Cold War visual contest, and cameras were situated at the centre of the contest. Specifically, the cinematic and the cybernetic represent two distinct visualities of vision, as the Cold War cameras of the Air Force assumed either transcendental or transcendent positions. The former, in keeping with a cinematic visuality, was oriented towards casting America as a sight to see in the context of its war on communism, with cameras operating as a condition of possibility for the construction of the ‘image’, whereas the latter, in keeping with a cybernetic visuality, was oriented towards the American appetite to see, to monitor and survey the world over, with cameras operating as processors of ‘information’. The history of the 600th Photographic Squadron and its progenitor, Lookout Mountain Laboratory, suggests that the transition from cinematic to cybernetic visualities of vision was part of a broader transformation in the US Cold War state from a nuclear deterrent state to a supra-nuclear deterrent state.     

Protecting difference or promoting equality? US Government approaches to women's rights and the UN Commission on the Status of Women, 1945–50

Abstract

American propagandists and policy-makers throughout the Cold War era embraced the discourse of domesticity and the need to protect women as key markers of difference between the United States and the Soviet Union. However, with the establishment of the United Nations institutions, legislation and discourse on women's equality emerged, which prioritized equality over the protection of difference. This article will explore how the United States sought to negotiate between these two competing strands in women's status. It will focus on the relationship between the US government, particularly the State Department, and Dorothy Kenyon, the first US delegate to the Commission on the Status of Women at the United Nations. It will demonstrate that, whilst Kenyon became increasingly convinced of the need for the USA to embrace a more proactive position on international women's rights, the US government's position remained dismissive and superficial.     

国际权力基础与伊拉克战争

本文考察国际权力在不同历史时期的基础及其变化,并提出,各国围绕国际权力竞争的背后是各国围绕国际权力基础的竞争,国际权力基础随着时代不断发生变迁。作为国际政治的一个重要变量,国际权力基础反映出国际政治单位之间所享有的国际权力差异。自威斯特伐利亚条约以来,国际社会见证了数次国际权力基础变化。在第二次世界大战以前,国际权力的基础是常规武器水平;冷战期间核武器成为了新的基础;冷战结束后,各国之间的竞争围绕着综合国力展开;伊拉克战争爆发以后,国际权力基础又变迁为国家独立行动能力。     

Shifting journalistic paradigms of American correspondents on contemporary China: The case of Orville Schell

This study examined the change and continuity in the journalistic paradigm of Orville Schell, a prominent China expert and journalist who exemplifies tumultuous cycles of idealism and discontent U.S. journalism has experienced toward China. The tilts in his prisms were shown to have conformed to the rise and fall of governing frames in American press and public cynicism in and after the Vietnam War and the Cold War. Despite the undisputed “end” of the China policy, the question of the “means” offered such individual correspondent as Schell much leeway to anchor his liberal predisposition characteristic of the Vietnam War generation.     

Scholastic Pauperism

If textbooks are supposed to be an honest and impartial portrayal of historical events, they should remain the same over time. However, when examining one event across different editions of the same textbook, it becomes apparent that this is not the case. This study seeks to examine how the beginnings of the Cold War may have influenced how the Holocaust was discussed during the 1940s and 1950s. Results indicate that as Germany transformed from an enemy to be defeated into an ally needed to stop the advance of Communism, discussion of the Holocaust became more muted. While the beginnings of the Cold War may not be the only factor in this phenomenon, the results of this study indicate a methodological process in which textbooks could be used to create critical and historical thinking in today's classroom.     

Calm,cool, and collected: Canadian multiculturalism (domestic globalism) through a Cold War lens

The Canadian government adopted a multicultural policy in 1971, complicating the binary of ‘two founding peoples’ by acknowledging the diversity of its settler populations. This redefinition took place against the backdrop of the Cold War in which Canada was a strategically located junior partner in the Western alliance. This article draws parallels between photographic representations of Canadian diversity and the photographic culture of the Cold War as complementary programmes of nation-building and national defence. The study focuses mainly on the activities of the Still Photography Division of the National Film Board of Canada in its coincident evolution from a government information agency to a proto-museum with a mandate to collect and circulate Canadian contemporary photography. A curious mixture of communitarian ideals, countercultural impulses, and institutional ambitions is displayed across a number of documentary projects. The power of photography as a silent language is put into question by a modest compilation of words and images that situates both global and local uncertainties in a Winnipeg grocery store.     

Les usages nationaux d'une science « globale » : La diffusion de nouveaux paradigmes économiques comme stratégie hégémonique et enjeu domestique dans les champs nationaux de reproduction des élites d'État

This paper analyses the production and international diffusion of different forms of State expertise, such as economics, from a threefold perspective: hegemonic strategies structured around the Cold War, professional rivalries between lawyers and economists within the field of state power and the internationalisation of the academic circuits for the reproduction of national elites. In order to understand the relatively low (or delayed) introduction of neo-liberal paradigm in Asia, it starts by highlighting the authoritarian genesis of these new fields of economic expertise, as an instrument for the developmental policies launched by the Cold War dictatures, such as Suharto in Indonesia or Marcos in the Philippinnes. Then, by focusing on the cases of India and South Corea, it analyses how the processes of institutionnalisation and consolidation of these new professional fields was structured around an international division of scientific labour, in which the elite US campuses control both the production of theoretical innovation and the academic networks for the reproduction of the elites of the periphery.     

Political,institutional, and bureaucratic fuel for the arms race

Revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe are fundamentally intertwined with the thawing of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, the arms race between the superpowers continues. This paper examines the paradox by first considering the conventional explanations for improved relations and demonstrating their inadequacies, then turning to the structural factors that appear to help explain the changed relations, and finally examining some of the social forces that cause the arms race to continue despite the thawing of the Cold War. Structural factors cited here as having contributed to the improved relations include: changes in the global economy, the development of a civil society in the Eastern bloc, domestic and international peace initiatives, and cultural changes. Despite these changes, the arms race continues due to the stability of strategic policy and the way it is made, military-industrial institutional operations, political and economic interests, and government operations. In each of these areas, much sociological research is needed to help guide the policy-making process away from continuing the arms race.     

高职班主任队伍建设现状与对策

在广泛调研的基础上,对高职班主任队伍建设现状进行了分析,认为目前高职班主任队伍结构整体趋向合理、制度基本健全,但班主任工作职责不够明确,理论素养尚显不足,激励机制亟待完善。针对这些制约班主任工作开展的瓶颈因素,必须采取相应对策。     

美国在中东的“输出民主”战略

“输出民主”是美国持久性的战略,但却是服从、服务于美国的安全战略的,因而具有突出的工具性以及由之决定的可选择性,美在中东地区实施该战略的历史与现实正体现了上述特点。冷战期间,出于遏制苏联、获取石油、保卫以色列的目的,美国在中东“输出民主”时坚持“中东例外论”;后冷战时期,美国采取了较为积极的“输出民主”行动,但阿尔及利亚民主试验失败的事实,又迫使其重新踏上“中东例外论”的老路;“9·11”事件后,美国在中东采取极端的、冒进式的“输出民主”战略,结果导致中东地区更加动荡。     

Conflict of interest in the evaluation and dissemination of "model" school-based drug and violence prevention programs

Conflict of interest refers to a set of conditions in which professional judgment concerning the validity of research might be influenced by a secondary competing interest. The competing interest that has received most attention in the literature addressing the prevalence and effects of such conflicts on the practice of empirical research has been that of financial relationships between investigators and research sponsors. The potential for conflicts of interest to arise in the evaluation of drug prevention programs was raised by Moskowitz in this journal in 1993, but to date there has been no attempt made to estimate the scope of this problem. The present study addressed this issue using a sample of “model” school-based drug and violence prevention interventions by first, identifying the types or relationships that exist between program developers and program distributors, and, second, by assessing how many of the evaluations of these programs published in peer-reviewed journals had been conducted by the developers of the programs compared to independent evaluation teams. The data presented indicate that there are relatively few published evaluations that do not involve program developers and that there are few instances in which there is complete separation between the program developer and program distributor. Using the open systems model of the Institute of Medicine Committee on Research Integrity as a framework, it is argued that the culture and norms of the program developer and those of the program evaluator are fundamentally distinct and therefore failure to separate these roles produces high potential for conflict of interest to arise.     

Hand over fist: a chronicle of Cold War photography

Group Material’s Timeline: The Chronicle of US Invention in Latin and Central America (1984) at P.S.1’s Center for Contemporary Art explored the framing devices of installation art and photography in tandem, as a means of reconfiguring the distribution of the sensible at the height of the Cold War. In response to escalating crisis (including continuous Central Intelligence Agency operations being carried out in Nicaragua and El Salvador), this activist project employed postmodern strategies such as appropriation, pastiche and a resistance to conclusiveness in order to suggest provocative and unexpected dialogues between disparate artworks and artefacts across time and geopolitical difference. Artists ranging from Richard Prince and Barbara Kruger to John Heartfield, Tina Modotti and Arellano Bolivar, among others, come together as signs of political and aesthetic conflict, as networks of visual culture that complicate dominant narratives of spatial and temporal reality during the Cold War era. Closer analysis of such works reveals historical ruptures alongside continuities, relayed by official government policy, mass media and the art world more broadly. By excavating a long-standing history of conflict, Timeline addresses the stakes of the ownership of meaning itself in the mid-1980s, with implications regarding art production and politics for generations to come.     

Feminism and the Challenges of the "Post-Cold War' World

Women's political participation is increasing in many countries around the world, but their participation in democratic politics has not altered the neoliberal consensus that is harmful to their interests. Two reasons for this are explored here: the impact of the Cold War in shaping the post-Cold War discourse on markets and states, and the anti-state bias of much of contemporary feminist theory. The essay calls for a rethinking of the consequences of difference theories for feminist political practices, and for a renewed focus on redistributional issues.     

Talcott Parsons and national socialism: The case of the “ten mysterious missing letters”

This essay is a response to questions raised by my review of a book by Uta Gerhardt called Talcott Parsons on National Socialism.In short, I found many issues unresolved in the Cold War years from 1946 to 1954 at Harvard University, especially the role of Talcott Parons and Clyde Kluckhohn in allegedly bringing Nazi collaborators to the United States. I have tried to address these controversial issues in this response.     

Marxism as a capitalist tool

Just as the two sides in the Cold War agreed that Capitalism and Communism were “the” two alternatives, so the two sides in the intellectual Great Debate agreed on a common framing of questions with the defenders of capitalism taking one side and Marxists taking the other. From the viewpoint of economic democracy (e.g., a labor-managed market economy), this late Great Debate between capitalism and socialism was as misframed as would be an antebellum Great Debate between the private or public ownership of slaves. The Great Debate between capitalism and socialism is now in the dustbin of intellectual history, but Marxism still plays an important role in sustaining the misframing of the questions so that the defenders of the present employment system do not have to face the real questions that separate that system from a system of economic democracy. In that sense, Marxism has become the ultimate capitalist tool.     

The International Refugee Regime(s): The End of the Cold War Matters

The purpose of this note is to present a schematic narrative and analysis of the development of the international response to refugees by states during the Cold War. The analysis focuses on the period from the statute creating the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Convention on the Status of Refugees, both in 1951, through the end of the Cold War. The note supplements the analysis contained in an earlier theoretical article published in this journal in 1996 entitled “How Nation‐States Create and Respond to Refugee Flows” (Keely, 1996). The views differ sharply from conventional wisdom but provide a better understanding of and an explanation for some contemporary difficulties regarding refugee and asylum policy, especially in the industrial countries, but also more generally globally.