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1.
政府和市场通常被理解为公共品提供的两个主要机制,但这背后作为基础的还是两个逻辑:技术逻辑和制度逻辑,两者通常交互作用在一起。政府和社会机制主要依赖于制度逻辑,有别于政府因素,在制度逻辑中,“社会因素”能给公共品提供带来不同的可能性。镶嵌式博弈是制度逻辑中将一系列因素组织起来的核心机制,同时又因应不同的内、外部组织结构和人际关系,呈现出不同的博弈模型,包括慈父主义模型、智猪博弈模型、关联博弈模型等。农村公共品提供的研究因为很少深入到村民的视角,以上的机制通常也就难以清晰呈现。本文基于对王村桥梁修建和饮水工程问题的考察,更清晰地看到了当前中国农村公共品提供中的这一结构问题。从该主题出发,还能引发有关市场与社会问题的进一步讨论。 相似文献
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由于市场经济体制中遵循按生产要素分配的分配原则,劳动的价格相对于其他几种要素的价格要低得多,这必然造成劳动者的收入在国民收入总量中的比重偏低,导致劳动者收益普遍偏低,也必然导致市场有效需求不足,进而埋下经济危机的隐患.在我国,集体谈判制度的缺失是劳动者收入偏低的重要原因.由于新旧机制的交替,集体谈判和集体合同制度从认识到实践中还存在一些问题,如集体谈判主体资格不到住、集体谈判机制欠完善、集体谈判缺乏相应的法律保障.只有完善我国的集体谈判制度,才能保证劳动者在初次分配过程中获得更大份额.而保证工会的独立性是完善集体谈判制度的根本途径.只有当工会组织真正代表工人、相对独立于政府而与资方及其组织进行平等谈判时,集体谈判机制才算有效建立,职工或雇员的利益才可以得到最大化的保护. 相似文献
3.
知识产权的性质——以中美知识产权谈判为例 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
文章通过对中美知识产权谈判中双方的谈判立场的分析 ,剖析了知识产权的性质 ,认为知识产权作为一种民事权利 ,具有强烈的经济性和政治性 ,容易受各国的国内政策的影响。我国的知识产权立法和司法 ,应注意这个问题 相似文献
4.
香港青少年的国家认同是近年来学界关注的一个重要议题。长期以来,党史教育研究主要以内地青少年为对象,香港青少年群体出现的红色记忆不够强的现实困境,对形塑香港青少年的国家认同造成较大挑战。基于此,本文探讨通过声音、图像等符号唤起“集体红色记忆”,以历史情节的刻画与人物塑造建构、共享记忆情感链接,以行为参与、场域复归、话语沟通刻写记忆,进而培育和建构香港青少年的国家认同。 相似文献
5.
议题联系是国际谈判中的一种常用策略,也是外交研究中一个重要课题。影响比较大的双层博弈理论主要将焦点集中在单一议题内的国内利益相关者对国际合作结局的影响,并未涉及议题之间的双层博弈,以及如何通过议题之间的联系改变国际、国内两个层面上的利益相关者的利益偏好与总体的利益格局,进而改变因单一议题内因利益僵局无法达成的谈判最终对谈判的结局产生的影响。基于英美贸易与货币谈判的史料分析,以伊·拉卡托斯科学研究纲领为研究路径,本文提出了"多议题联系双层博弈"这一假设,通过构筑形式模型使研究假设得以简化和明晰,最终,用求异法和最相似体系设计法进行案例分析并对假设进行检测。 相似文献
6.
保障农民实现集体资产股份有偿退出的权利,是推进农村集体资产股份合作制改革的必然要求。因此,有必要在准确界定农村集体资产股份有偿退出概念的基础上,从主体、客体、属性及后果四个层面明晰农村集体资产股份有偿退出的法律内涵,为具体制度设计奠定理论基础。明确农村集体资产股份自愿退出与非自愿退出的条件,探索本集体内部转让、集体赎回及对外转让多元化的退出方式,并细化三种方式下股份有偿退出的法定程序,实现农村集体资产股份有偿退出制度的法律构建。 相似文献
7.
基于2006—2010年珠三角地区农民工问卷调查数据和近年的田野调查资料,发现《劳动合同法》的颁布促进了劳动合同的签订和合同期限的长期化,使得企业愿意加大人力资本投资,增加员工保险和福利投入,更加注重人性化管理,最终建立起一套将农民工纳入其中的内部劳动力市场制度;与此同时,中小企业和私营企业人力资源管理技术和策略也得到不断发展。虽然《劳动合同法》在一定程度上提高了农民工集体维权倾向,但内部劳动力市场的建立又可以缓解劳资之间的紧张,员工维权更加理性、审慎,为劳资之间从对抗迈向合作共赢提供了基础。《劳动合同法》加快并强化了中国劳动关系的"个体化"发展趋势。从"刚性"的法律制度和"柔性"的内部管理两个渠道保护劳工权益,有助降低大规模集体性劳资纠纷发生的风险,建立相对和谐的制度化的劳动关系。 相似文献
8.
在推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化这一全新的改革视域下,流动人口的服务管理是当前各级政府关注的重难点问题。以治理为契机进行机制创新是破解这一难题的有效手段。经过实证调查总结分析了广州的"番禺经验",解析了流动人口公共服务和社会管理的若干机制创新,剖析了流动人口管理与经济协调机制、法律配套机制、部门协调机制创新等方面存在的主要问题,探析了流动人口服务管理与经济发展联动机制、制度保障机制、激励机制和经验推广机制创新的路径和方式。 相似文献
9.
《求是学刊》2019,(3):71-78
新科技革命以人工智能化、互联网产业化等信息技术的升级创新与应用为标志,是在科技领域革命的同时也引起了社会领域尤其是经济领域的革命。旧的商业模式衰落,部分行业面临转型,给劳动者带来困顿与动荡;新科技革命催生的新业态和新职业造成了新的矛盾和风险,引发劳动关系产生巨大变革。在这个科技飞速更迭的时代,新事物的发展速度远超我们规制新事物的速度,现行的有关劳动关系的制度安排已经不能适应当前多样化的就业、分配、劳动纠纷等方方面面的问题。因此,将一切问题的逻辑起点回归到对劳动关系的认定,构建一个以契约为核心、分层次保障、集体协商型的系统协调机制显得尤为迫切。 相似文献
10.
该文运用综合教学方法(线上线下混合教学、案例教学、翻转课堂等),开展智慧课堂教学;校企深度协作,提高学生模拟谈判的真实度;模拟谈判的评分由教师评分(占比为40%)、参与谈判的学生评分(自评占比为30%)和旁观学生的评分(互评占比为30%)共同形成,通过人才培养方案的科学合理设置,提高学生商务英语听说能力。学生在课前加入在线开放课程平台,学习国际商务谈判相关理论与知识,课堂上开展翻转模式教学,教师布置案例分析、学生自由组队进行模拟谈判,通过融入真实案例进行模拟,提高学生灵活运用谈判技巧的能力。该智慧课堂设计以学生为中心,将职业能力需求和创新能力需求融入案例教学和项目教学,从而达到课程高阶性、创新性、挑战度的“两性一度”“金课”标准。 相似文献
11.
If negotiation over ownership of an asset is unsuccessful, agents go to court to determine possession. Experiments examine how the presence of a stochastic court decision affects pretrial bargaining behavior. Two players have private information over the value of an asset, owned by one player. If there is no acceptable trade price, a random court decision assigns ownership. The impact of a second stage court decision on bargaining outcomes and the efficiency of trades is measured. Courts reduce the total earnings of players and the frequency of efficient trades. Relative earnings and bargaining behavior depend on which agent proposes the trade price. 相似文献
12.
Wang Tianyu 《Social Sciences in China》2016,37(1):164-177
The Labor Contract Law classifies collective contracts as special labor contracts, ignoring the fundamental differences between collective contracts and labor contracts. This has plunged it into jurisprudential obstacles and institutional difficulties. In terms of the main entities, efficacy, dispute settlement mechanisms, etc. collective contracts have their own institutional characteristics. They should be incorporated into the legislative framework for collective labor relations in future legislation, and should link up with trade unions, collective consultation and collective dispute settlement to form a complete system of collective labor law. 相似文献
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14.
政策实施成本与上下级政府讨价还价的发生机制——基于四东县休禁牧案例的分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
讨价还价是中国上下级政府互动关系中很重要的一种形式。本文详细记述了四东县草原休禁牧政策实施过程中上下级政府的多轮讨价还价,县政府制定政策,政策严格落实导致政府与民众的冲突频发,乡镇政府以冲突为策略与县政府讨价还价,最终获得了相对宽松的执行空间。本文使用实施成本分析框架解释了讨价还价行为的发生机制,执行过程成本、上级施加成本、民众施加成本高昂,致使乡镇政府只能选择与上级讨价还价。随着社会冲突的加剧,乡镇政府的讨价还价能力相对提高,使得双方的协议点从严格执行端向宽松执行端移动。执行无僵局、协议点左右摆动、短期均衡与讨价还价的交替发生是政策执行中上下级政府讨价还价的基本特征。 相似文献
15.
Care occupations are gendered and remain relatively poorly paid, particularly in the United States. Prior research on the ‘care penalty’ primarily points to individual, relational, and market-valuation factors in explaining the relative earnings of care workers. This study integrates these explanations with a comparative institutional perspective. Using higher-quality data and methods than previous comparative research in the field—that is, harmonized micro-data from the Current Population Survey and EU-SILC from 2005 to 2016, country and year fixed effects models, and a counterfactual analysis—we find that national variance in labour market and welfare state institutions explains most of the difference in the relative earnings of reproductive care workers between the United States and European countries. Higher rates of collective bargaining coverage, stronger employment protection and welfare state spending contribute to higher relative earnings for reproductive care occupations, and lower relative earnings for high-status nurturant care occupations. Differences in the relative earnings of care workers appear to be mostly a construct of social policy and labour market institutions rather than individual, relational, and market-valuation factors. 相似文献
16.
以理抗争:都市集体行动的策略——以广州南园的业主维权为例 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文描述和分析了广州一个社区就物业管理费和业委会展开的集体行动,试图说明在城市中产阶层业主维权运动中,以中老年人为主体的社区运动及其行动策略的产生,一方面是“依法抗争”的理性选择的结果,另一方面受到“以理抗争”的多重文化逻辑的影响,即包括行动者基于利益理性的“依法抗争”、基于家园认同所寻求的日常生活的道德平衡,以及以往社会主义群众动员孕育的人民抗争的话语/价值体系。城市社区治理中的“以理抗争”与中国农村基层社会的“以法抗争”,既有着相似性,又有差异性,在一定程度上,它推动了中国城市社区治理结构的转变。 相似文献
17.
Based on a survey and interviews, this article presents and analyses Israeli public opinion toward black‐market medicine (BMM) and the welfare state. In addition to providing quantitative and qualitative evidence of the existence of under‐the‐table payments in Israel, we suggest various insights into this phenomenon. While most citizens admit that they would consider making under‐the‐table payments in order to receive preferential medical treatment, when the questions mention words such as ‘illegal’ or ‘bribe’, respondents tend to be less tolerant of such activities. We find that, first, there is a basic willingness among Israeli citizens to use BMM. Second, despite this predilection, Israeli citizens are reluctant to articulate their willingness to engage in such illegal activities. This reluctance implies the existence of a moral barrier among the population as far as identifying themselves with illegal behaviour is concerned. We may infer the existence of a gap between declared attitudes and behaviour. Third, the fact that people's willingness to engage in BMM is greater than their willingness to adopt black‐market strategies in other areas signifies the special nature of health care. Finally, by connecting the phenomenon of BMM to public opinion regarding the welfare state, we point to a possible gap between normative attitudes and preferences produced by structural conditions. 相似文献
18.
Rubén M. Lo Vuolo 《Social Policy & Administration》1997,31(4):390-409
According to the conventional approving account of the transformations which have been taking place in public policy and in markets in Latin America, Argentina constitutes one of the most successful examples of wide-ranging and rapid change. Certainly the experience of Argentina offers an excellent case-study of what in the literature is termed " the retrenchment of the welfare states"; that is those institutional transformations associated with the "neoconservative revolutions" of recent years. In this paper I analyse the characteristics of Argentinian welfare state retrenchment, distinguishing between two fields of analysis: (1) "systemic retrenchment" which is linked to changes in the "referential environment" of social policy institutions, especially changes in the economic, fiscal, labour market and politico-institutional contexts: (2) "programmatic retrenchment" which refers to changes in the institutional ordering of specific social policies. Finally I draw conclusions in respect of the strategies adopted for the retrenchment of the welfare state in Argentina and discuss probable prospects for the future. 相似文献
19.
Dan Finn 《Social Policy & Administration》2003,37(7):709-724
New Labour is constructing an “employment‐first” welfare state. It plans through Jobcentre Plus to transform the passive culture of the benefit system by creating more explicit links between individual behaviour and engagement with labour market programmes. The New Deal for Young People (NDYP) has been at the forefront of these changes. This paper reports on the findings from four case studies that explored how the NDYP has changed young people's experience of the welfare state. It establishes that NDYP offers a mixture of employment assistance and “pressure” and has made progress in developing front‐line services and helping young long‐term unemployed people into work. NDYP does not, however, work for all. In areas of high unemployment and for some disadvantaged groups intermediate labour markets could enhance the New Deal and make real the offer of “employment opportunities for all”. 相似文献
20.
Oorschot W van, Meuleman B. Welfarism and the multidimensionality of welfare state legitimacy: evidence from The Netherlands, 2006 Is it possible that citizens who support a substantial role for government in the provision of welfare are, at the same time, critical about specific aspects of such provision? Based on confirmatory factor analyses, and using a 2006 Dutch survey, this study shows that welfare state legitimacy is indeed multidimensional, i.e. that opinions tend to cluster together in several dimensions referring to various aspects of the welfare state. There is partial evidence for the existence of a single, underlying welfarism dimension which consists basically of views regarding the range of governmental responsibility, as well as of the idea that these governmental provisions do not have unfavourable repercussions in economic or moral spheres. However, the separate dimensions cannot be reduced entirely to this overall welfarism dimension. This is illustrated by the finding that the various attitude dimensions are affected differently by socio‐structural position and ideological dispositions. 相似文献