The Quebec Patronat: Proposing a Neo‐liberal Political Economy after All*

Les études récentes portant sur le patronat québécois avancent que ce dernier a modernisé son discours, passant du néolibéralisme à une concertation et à une coopération positive avec les syndicats et l'État. Ces études suggèrent que le patronat québécois est en train de développer une économie politique distincte du modèle libéral en vigueur ailleurs au Canada. Cet article analyse le discours du Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ) depuis sa création pour évaluer la pertinence de ces arguments. Il conclut que la vision stratégique du CPQ est restée néolibérale depuis le début des années 1980, ce qui suggére la nécessité de la prudence dans la formulation des arguments sur l'exceptionnalisme économique du Québec. Recent studies of the Quebec patronat argue that it has “modernized” its discourse, moving from neo‐liberalism to the embrace of positive‐sum concertation and co‐operation with unions and the State. These studies suggest Quebec's employers' associations are developing a different political economy than the liberal one found in the Rest of Canada. This article assesses these arguments using the discourse of the Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ) since its inception. It argues that the CPQ's strategic outlook has remained steadfastly neo‐liberal since the early 1980s, which suggests the need for caution in developing accounts of Quebec's economic exceptionalism.     

John Porter Lecture: Liberal Nationalisms Revisited

Liberal Nationalisms: Empire, State and Civil Society in Scotland and Quebec argues that the emergence and character of nationalism are directly related to changes in patterns of political rule and the liberal settlements that underlay that rule. The focus is on the emergence of two nationalist groups in Scotland and Quebec at the beginning of the twentieth century: the Young Scots’ Society and Ligue nationaliste canadienne. They exhibited liberal nationalisms differently (1) in response to the British Empire's predatory imperial policies, (2) in the perception that their states had failed to effectively accommodate the Scottish and French Canadian nations, and more problematically (3) on the place of organized religion in civil society. Their responses suggest the emergence of two quite distinct liberal nationalisms: one in which the emphasis was on universal individual rights, and the other in which particular group rights were more clearly favored. The article offers some further reflection on the relationship between nationalism and liberalism, specifically on the existence of a symbiotic relationship and more generally that liberalism is successful when embedded in nationalism.     

An analysis of Montréal's Quartier Chinois and sense of self: Une Loi peut faire mal au dragon,mais La Loi ne peut pas tuer le dragon

In 1976, the provincial parliament in Québec ratified the Charter of the French Language, or La Loi 101. The Charter is a collection of linguistic laws meant to promote the French language in Québec. Since its ratification, supporters of the Charter have called it a protection of “French‐Canadian identity”. The Charter has also come under scrutiny from Anglophones (English speakers) and Allophones (non‐native English or French speakers) in Québec. This paper analyzes one group of Allophones, Chinese‐Canadians, in Québec's largest city, Montréal. In particular, this analysis examines how the Chinese‐Canadian community in Montréal perceives their self‐identity as threatened by La Loi 101 and believes this law is a form of forced assimilation.     

La transformation de l'offre de services de garde au Québec: une brèche dans la collectivisation du travail de reproduction sociale?

In 1997, the government of Québec instituted a low‐cost and universal childcare services program most commonly available through the “centres de la petite enfance (CPE)” (early chilldhood centers). Since 2003, this model is being slowly dismantled on account of an explosion in the number of commercial daycare centers and, since 2015, an adjustment of rates according to family revenues. This research article gathers scattered information about the childcare services offer changes in Québec to demonstrate that tearing down a section of the Québécois family policy lowers the collectivization of social reproductive work.     

New Left,not New Liberal: 1960s Movements in English Canada and Quebec*

Les données tirées d'carune enquête auprès de 471 des principaux militants et militantes du Québec et du Canada anglais pendant les années soixante confirment des hypothèses qui contredisent fortement les prédictions sur la nature des mouvements sociaux depuis 1960 basées sur la théorie des New Social Movements. l'auteur propose la construction d'carune nouvelle théorie postmarxiste des mouvements sociaux fondée sur la reconnaissance du fait que, depuis 1960, l'aile gauche des mouvements sociaux a continué d'carêtre une vraie gauche et non un nouveau genre de libéralisme. Data from a survey of 471 leading 1960s activists in Quebec and English Canada confirm hypotheses that strongly contradict predictions about the nature of post‐1960 movements derived from the New Social Movements theory. It is argued that a new approach to developing a post‐Marxist theory of social movements is needed, starting from a recognition that the politics of the left wing of post‐1960 movements are “new left,” not “new liberal.”     

American Empires: Past and Present*

L'auteur établit une typologie des empires. Qu'ils soient «directs» ou «indirects», les empires possèdent nécessairement des colonies. Ce n'est pas le cas des empires «informels», mais ceux–ci peuvent être divisés en trois sous‐types: les empires «canonniers», «mandataires» et d' «ajustement structurel», à quoi s'ajoute «hégémoniques» comme type de domination non impérial, chaque type tendant à présenter une forme de règles plus douces que le précédent. Les vrais empires sont constitués de différents assortiments de ces règles et, à mesure qu'ils vieillissent, elles tendent à s'alléger. C'est pour cette raison que l'empire américain n'a pas eu de véritable colonie depuis le début du XX^e siècle et que des formes plus modérées d'empires informels, après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, se sont alliées à l'hégémonie. Pourtant, les années 1970 ont connu un plus grand ajustement structurel de l'impérialisme américain alors que les années 1990 et 2000 ont fait face à une tentative d'établissement d'un empire américain canonnier à grande échelle. L'échec de celui‐ci menace présentement l'impérialisme américain en général. This paper lays out a typology of empires. “Direct” and “indirect” empires involve colonies. “Informal” empire does not, but can be divided into three subtypes, “gunboats,”“proxies,” and “structural adjustment.”“Hegemony” is added as a nonimperial type of domination. Each tends to be a lighter form of rule than the preceding one. Real empires contain varying mixtures of these and as they age, their rule tends to lighten. Thus in the American empire, there have been no real colonies since the beginning of the twentieth century, and after World War II milder forms of informal empire were blended with hegemony. Yet the 1970s saw an increase in American structural adjustment imperialism, while the 1990s and the 2000s saw an attempt at large‐scale American gunboat empire. The failure of the latter is now threatening American imperialism more generally.     

The Place of Africa,in Theory: Pan-Africanism,Postcolonialism, Beyond

Twentieth-century African theory translated two destructive diasporas – of peoples by the slave trade, of lands by empire – into a creative third: a pan-Africanist philosophy of decolonization that recovered Africa's pluralism as a powerfully “diasporic” defiance of imperial taxonomies. Comparing a 1967 lecture given in Cairo by Senegalese poet-president Léopold Sédar Senghor with a 1955 treatise on the philosophy of revolution by Egyptian president Gamal Abdul Nasser (Jamal ^cAbd al-Nasir), and both with Achille Mbembe's 2001 On the Postcolony, this essay shows how Senghor marshals race/culture hybridities, Nasser historical/geographic alignments, and Mbembe temporal entanglements to deconstruct monolithic constructions of “Arab”, “Black”, and “African” being, space, and time – and to pluralize and “world” a continent. It argues that the logics of trans-territoriality and trans-temporality that informed Third World solidarity in the 1950s–1970s represent a forgotten legacy of pan-Africanism to postcolonialism and to global theory generally. Africa's place, in theory, decenters Eurocentrism.     

Translating Nations: Actor-Network Theory in/and Canada*

Dans l'examen des problématiques de l«identité nationale» au Canada, la sociologie critique est de plus en plus tournée vers l'analyse discursive, aboutissant à des conclusions nuancées et complexes. Or, une telle approche risque d'escamoter d'autres analyses, tout aussi utiles, qui attribuent à la technologie un rôle central dans le processus de «nation-building» au Canada. Cet article explore la sociologie de la traduction, aussi appelée théorie d'acteur-réseau, et suggère que l'emprunt d'une telle approche se prêterait à une analyse plus complète des «questions nationales» du Canada et du Québec - analyse qui intégrerait les catégories du social et de la technique. Canadian critical sociology draws increasingly from discourse analysis to work out questions of national identity in Canada, yielding complex and nuanced results, but not sufficiently engaging with other work privileging technology as a central question in Canadian nation-building. This paper explores the sociology of translation, also known as actor-network theory, and suggests that such an approach might usefully be taken up in order to provide a more complete analysis of the “national questions” of Canada and Québec that integrates both social and technological categories.     

Biographies and family solidarity in Québec

In Québec, the 2004 survey Biographies et solidarités familiales (‘biographies and family solidarity in Québec’) was the first quantitative survey to deal with the question of the diverse forms of family solidarity as they have changed over time and in line with modifications in family, work, and public policies. Our purpose here is to present the survey itself along with a certain number of its results. The latter bear, on the one hand, on what we have termed Québec ‘family solidarity spaces’, referring by that to the structural data previous to forms of solidarity as we know them now and, on the other hand, on the changes in the provision of early childhood care over three generations.     

Book reviews/Comptes rendus

Book reviewed in this article: DAVID C. PITT (ed.). Development From Below: Anthropologists and Development Situations WILLIAMC. MCCORMACK and STEPHEN A. WURM (eds.). Language and Man: Anthropological Issues. AGEHANANDA BHARATI (ed.). The Realm of the Extra-Human: Agents and Audiences WILLIAM H. NEWELL (ed.) Ancestors MICHAEL W. EVERETT, JACK O. WADDELL, and DWIGHT B. HEATH (eds.)- Cross-Cultural Approaches to the Study of Alcohol: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. ESTELLE FUCHS (ed.). Youth in a Changing World: Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Adolescence. AGEHANANDA BHARATI (ed.). The Realm of he Extra-Human: Ideas and Actions. SPENCER. ROBERT F. and JESSE D. JENNINGS, et al. The Native Americans. ARTHUR J. RAY. Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Trappers, Hunters, and Middlemen in the Lands southwest of Hudson Bay 1660–1870. WSEVOLOD ISAJIW (ed.). Identities: The Impact of Ethnicity on Canadian Society. BAN SENG HOE. Structural Changes of Two Chinese Communities in Alberta, Canada. ANNE T. BRODZKY, ROSE DANESEWICH. and NICK JOHNSON, (eds.), Stones, Bone and Skin. C.J. RICHARDSON. Contemporary Social Mobility. STEWART CRYSDALE and LES WHEATCROFT (eds.) Religion in Canadian Society. JOHN HAGAN. The Disreputable Pleasures. gary d. bouma and wilma J. bouma. Fertility Control: Canada's Lively Social Problem. rémi savard. Le Rire Précolombien dans le Québec D'Anjourd hui. Les Cahiers du CRSR. No. 1. Québec: Centre de Recherches en Sociologie Religieuse, Univer-sité Laval, 1977, 183 pages MARIE-ODILE MÉTRAL. Le mariage: Les hésitations de l'Occident. Préface de Philippe Ariès. Collection Présence et Pensée. CHABOT, RICHARD. Le curé de campagne et la contestation locale au Québec de 1791 aux troubles de 1837–38. Cahiers du Québec. marc adélard tremblay (sous la direction de) Les facettes de l'identité amérindienne I The Patterns of “Amerindian” Identity. Québec: Presses de l'Université Laval, 1976, 316 pages FRANÇOIS-MARC GAGNON. La Conversion par l'Image: Un Aspect de la Mission des Jésuites auprès des Indiens du Canada an XVII siècle. PIERRE BEAUCAGE, JACQUES GOMILA. et Lionel vallée. Testes présentés par jacqueline fry. L'Expérience anthropologique. Série Collections et archives de l'Université de Montréal.     

Women,work, and transformations in agricultural production*

Dans cet article l'auteur clarifie la différence entre deux élements clés qui ont marqué le développement de la production agricole au Québec et au Canada au cours des quatre dernières décennies, à savoir la modernisation de l'agriculture et son insertion dans le modèle capitaliste. Elle examine comment chacun de ces facteurs respectifs affecte la participation des femmes à l'agriculture. Les données proviennent d'une petite paroisse du Québec: il s'agit d'entrevues semi-dirigées, realisées auprès des membres adultes de 63 families agricoles choisies au hasard. L'analyse indique que ni le développement de l'agriculture capitaliste, ni l'adoption de techniques modernes n'ont un effet independant (net) sur la participation des femmes. L'effet d'interaction entre ces deux facteurs est ce qui produit la plus forte variation quant au type et à la charge du travail que les femmes consacrent à l'agriculture. In this article, the author differentiates between two key elements in the development of agricultural production in Québec and Canada in the last four decades (the modernization of agriculture and the penetration of capitalist relations of production) and then tests the relative strength of each for producing change in women's participation level. Data were collected during a year of field work in a small Québec parish and consist of semi-structured interviews with the adult members of 63 randomly selected farm families. The findings indicate that neither the development of capitalist agriculture nor the adoption of modern methods have an independent effect on women's contribution. It is the interaction effect between the two that produces the greatest variation in the type and amount of work women devote to farming.     

Situated Interpretations of Nationalism,Imperialism, and Cosmopolitanism: Revisiting the Writings of Liang in the Encounter Between Worlds

The idea of the nation has been considered to have delivered political modernity from its native Europe to the rest of the world. The same applies, though more implicitly, to those paradoxes inherent to the nationalist ideology – that between universalism and national particularity and that between liberal nationalism and imperialism. This article seeks to complicate these theses by looking at the interpretations of nationalism, imperialism, and cosmopolitanism provided by Liang Qichao, one of the most influential Chinese intellectuals in early twentieth century, during his exile in Japan when increasingly exposed to the encounter between worlds. This reading also engages with the wider debates on modernity/modernities in non-Western societies through showing that neither the “consumers of modernity” approach nor the “creative adaptations” approach can be easily applied here. I argue that the various tensions, contingencies and historical situatedness in Liang's accounts of the nation-state structure represent and constitute the paradox of the structure itself. They also shed light on contemporary debates about the limits of our political imagination in the misnamed “global politics” beyond the false opposition between nationalism and cosmopolitanism.     

Civility and Humiliation under the French Flag: The Tensions of Colonial Liberalism in Pondicherry, 1871–86

This article explores the extension of political “liberty” and franchise – as well as the eventual extension of citizenship rights – to Indians during the decades of France's Third Republic (1870s–80s) in French colonial India. Not only does this example stand in stark contrast to the civil position of Indians in British India at the time, but it was also something of a unique situation in the French colonial world. How did the French attempt to apply a colonial policy of liberalism to Indian communities in Pondicherry, India, whose social world was constructed upon caste‐based rituals and rules? I argue that liberal policies that could violate caste rules concerning purity and lead to the loss of communal rights cannot be assessed without understanding how they were received and instrumentalized by the Indian population. Overall, the difficulty of transplanting liberalism in Pondicherry was not due just to the opposition of colonial society, but also due to the resistance of local Indians. Rejections of a more emancipatory agenda meant that the republican “civility” of liberty, equality and fraternity was compromised, and this illustrates one of the fundamental tensions in imperial/liberal discourse at the time.     

Traditional society, political society and Québec sociology: 1945–1980

L'analyse de la production sociologique au Québec, de 1945 à 1980, ne saurait être entreprise sans faire référence à la transformation des conditions generates d'enonciation qu'a connue la société québécoise durant la période. On peut schématiquement regrouper cette sociographie en quatre courants distincts. Le premier, de 1945 à 1960, se donne comme un savoir critique dc l'adaptation illustrant l'inadéquation de la référence au traditionalisme. Le début des années soixante marque le passage à la dominance d'une forme de la représentation présentant désormais le Québec comme une société politique. Une sociologie fonctionnelle de l'adaptation se développe dés lors, liée à la mise en place de L'État keynésien. Les années soixante-dix voient au contraire l'affirmation d'une sociologie de l'émancipation. Divisée en deux courants antagonistes, culturaliste et politiste, cette sociologie travaille à la redéfinition d'une société québécoise dorénavant soumise aux pleines déterminations de la modernité. The modernity of sociological production in Québec from 1945 to 1980 cannot be attempted without referring to the transformation in the general conditions of Québec's expression of itself as a society during this period. We can regroup this sociography schematically into four distinct approaches: the first, from 1945 to 1960, presented itself as a form of critical knowledge of adaptation which illustrated the inadequacy of references to traditionalism. The beginning of the 1960s marked the transition towards the predominance of a representational form which thereafter presented Québec as a political society. In the third tendency a functionalist sociology, linked to the consolidation of the Keynesian state, took root. The 1970s saw in contradistinction the affirmation of a sociology of emanicipation. Divided between two mutually antagonistic approaches, culturalist and political, Québec sociology is working towards the redefinition of a Québecois society henceforth caught in the determining web of modernity.     

Psychological and cultural foundations of prejudice: The case of anti-Semitism in Quebec

Cette communication documente l'existence de niveaux d'antisémitisme et d'ethnocentrisme systématiquement plus élevés au Québec qu'ailleurs au Canada, puis examine les facteurs socioculturels, psychologiques et politiques qui sous-tendent ce phénomène. L'analyse des données de l'Enquěte sur la Charte des droits et libertés révèle que les facteurs socioculturels jouent le rǒle prépondérant. Plus particulièrement, la plus forte propension des Québécois à voir les Juifs d'un oeil défavorable est en grande partie attribuable à une plus grande valorisation de la conformité dans la culture québécoise. Ainsi, les Québécois diffèrent des autres canadiens non pas tant parce qu'ils souscrivent à tout l'éventail des préjugés antisémites, mais parce qu'ils acceptent les caractérisations négatives des Juifs sans se poser des questions. D'après les auteurs, l'antisémitisme au Québec ne s'explique ni par le nationalisme politique ni par des traits de personalité. La communication traite également de diverses questions concernant la méthodologie à employer pour mesurer l'antisémitisme. Documenting consistently higher levels of anti-Semitism and ethnocentrism in Quebec than elsewhere in Canada, this article investigates the sources of this prejudice in socio-cultural, psychological and political factors. Analysis of survey data from the Charter of Rights Study show that socio-cultural factors are most important. In particular, the greater readiness of Quebeckers to look unfavourably on Jews is largely a consequence of the high value placed upon conformity in Quebec culture. Quebeckers therefore differ from other Canadians not primarily in a willingness to subscribe to a full syndrome of anti-Semitic sentiments, but in casually accepting negative characterizations of Jews. Anti-Semitism in Quebec is found not to be related to nationalist political sentiments, nor is it substantially personality-driven. A variety of methodological issues pertaining to the measurement of anti-Semitism are also discussed.     

Determinants of work-family balance satisfaction during the pandemic: Insights from Québec

The first wave of the COVID pandemic was the most challenging for employed parents, and more specifically for women. In Québec, research has shown a deterioration in the psychological health of parents in the early weeks of the pandemic. In this research, we investigate how Québec parents who remained employed during the lockdown in 2020 perceived their work-family balance in the stressful context of new earning and caregiving constraints, drawing on survey data collected in May 2020. Our approach integrates insights from psychological, managerial and sociological literatures. We find that most parents who remained employed found their work-family balance “easy” in the first months of the pandemic, but women felt less satisfied with their work-family balance than men as well as those whose employers were less understanding and supportive, and those whose workloads increased. The implications of these results are discussed in the light of previous studies on work-family intersections, to show that gender continues to matter when family members are faced with extraordinary circumstances such as the closing of childcare and schools, even in the egalitarian context of Québec, where fathers are perceived as legitimate caregivers.     

From mood to movement: English nationalism,the European Union and taking back control†

This article considers whether the 2016 EU referendum can be perceived as an English nationalist movement. Specifically, attention is given to examining how memories of the former British Empire were nostalgically enveloped in anxieties regarding England’s location within the devolved UK state. The comments and work of Enoch Powell and George Orwell are used to help explore the link between nostalgia and anxiety in accounts of English nationalism. Despite their opposing political orientations, when considered together, it is argued that both men provide a unique cross-political perspective on Englishness, empire and nostalgia. By way of exploring these themes in relation to the EU referendum, Aughey’s assertion that English nationalism can be perceived as both a “mood” and “movement” is used to highlight how a sense of English anxiety regarding its lack of national sovereignty (mood), as well as a desire to reclaim this sovereignty by renegotiating trade relations with the “Anglo-sphere” (movement), were conjoined in the popular referendum slogan, “take back control”. In conclusion, it is argued that the contextualization of the referendum can be predicated upon an orientation to empire that steers away from glorifying pro-imperial images of England/Britain, towards a more positive and progressive appropriation of the EU referendum as a statement of national change and belonging.     

Elder Abuse:

Elder abuse in Québec has been defined as a social problem since the late 70s. Many changes in policies, social practices, and laws are proposed as scientific knowledge is still growing. Using research methodology in criminology, elder abuse is defined and the impact of violence and neglect towards elders in the community, family and nursing home settings investigated. This paper critically examines the current knowledge gained through research on elder abuse in Québec and offers suggestions for future progress on this issue.     

The “Moment of the Boomerang” Never Came: Resistance and Collaboration in Colonial Korea, 1919–1945

The contradiction between the colonial ideology of universalism and the rule of difference may result in discontentment among the ruled, but it does not always lead to sustainable organized resistance. In many Western colonies during the interwar period, growing anti‐colonial resistance replaced collaboration; however, in Korea that was under Japanese colonial rule, resistance during the 1920s was superseded by collaboration in the 1930s. Adopting two accounts of ideology‐resource pair and structural characteristics of Japanese colonialism, this article analyzes the progression of liberal nationalism in Korea from resistance to collaboration. In colonial Korea, a separatist project led by the liberal nationalism started as a promising anti‐colonial movement, but by the end of the 1920s, it became apparent that the resources engendered by the separatism had validated both anti‐colonial nationalism as well as colonialism, thereby undermining its legitimacy. A more serious crisis occurred in the early 1930s: with the “decline of the West” and its associated intensified Japanese assimilationism, liberal nationalism not only lost its ideological ground but also came to overlap with assimilationism. The Korean elite's political conversion during the 1930s took place in a contradictory situation in which their nationalist practices ironically contributed to the empowerment of the colonial rule.     

Humbling Turkishness: Undoing the Strategies of Exclusion and Inclusion of Turkish Modernity

Kurds make up about a fifth of Turkey's population. Turkey has taken steps – albeit slowly and reluctantly – towards increased recognition of Kurdish cultural and linguistic rights. However, within Turkey there is also a steeply rising tide of Turkish nationalism, prejudice and intolerance towards Kurds, and increasing anti-Kurdish sentiment. This article brings studies of Kurdishness and Turkishness into a single conversation and traces the relationship between Turkish modernity, Orientalized Kurdishness and the construction of Turkishness as the efendi (master) identity. It does this by drawing attention to “strategies of exclusion and inclusion” in the construction of official Turkish history, and relates these to the way in which the tense borders between Kurds and Turks are maintained and currently reproduced. It also presents a normative argument in favour of “humbling Turkishness” and “solidarity trading zones”.