On Movement Frames and Negotiated Identities: The Case of Poland's First Solidarity Congress

How do participants in a social movement come to agree on goals and strategies? Recent scholarship has moved in two theoretical directions. Some writers focus on movement leaders and their efforts to excite and attract potential supporters by formulating a vision that conveys optimism and moral outrage, yet is congruent with long-standing popular beliefs. Other writers focus far less on leaders and their frames and insist, instead, that movements are organizationally decentralized and typically lack consensus on goals and strategies. From this second perspective, programs are best seen as the byproducts of ongoing clashes and messy negotiations between a myriad of local activists with different beliefs, diverse values, and frequently divergent interests. Using the First Solidarity Congress as a historical case study, this article argues for the utility of combining both approaches – one that focuses on leaders’ ongoing efforts to build consensus around a seemingly effective frame, and the other that stresses the extent of intra-movement discord and the decentralized nature of movement organizations.     

Dangerous Issues and Public Identities: The Negotiation of Controversy in Two Movement Organizations*

Social movement organizations frame not only their target issues, but their own organizational identities. In doing so, they are sometimes forced to make difficult decisions that pit principle against considerations of image. This article compares and contrasts episodes from two different movements: (1) Amnesty International's (AIUSA) expansion of its human rights agenda to include death penalty abolitionism and (2) the American Civil Liberties Union's (ACLU) endorsement of drug legalization. Based upon documentary and interview data, I demonstrate that Amnesty's decision to work toward the abolition of capital punishment provoked intense internal debate based upon the prevalence within AIUSA at that time of a narrow conception of human rights, concern about the effect of anti‐death penalty projects on the group's priorities, and the fear that the carefully crafted image the organization had built would be damaged by anti‐death penalty work. The ACLU's endorsement of drug legalization provoked some of the same concerns, but issues of public identity management were far less evident. Instead, internal debates focused on the proper breadth of the organization's anti‐prohibitionism. I suggest that the differences between the two cases may be understood in terms of contrasting organizational cultures, framing vocabularies, and membership profiles.     

Motherhood and the Construction of Feminist Identities: Variations in a Women's Movement Organization

This paper examines the relationship between feminism and motherhood as it plays out in the construction of feminist identities. Through a qualitative analysis of two grassroots chapters of the National Organization for Women (NOW), I examine how members'understandings and experiences with motherhood and their community context and organizational environment shape the construction of shared feminist identities. Central to this study is the conception of motherhood as a historically constructed ideology that provides a gendered model of behavior for women. In the organizations studied, I find that motherhood is interpreted two ways: as a social status with political ramifications and as the act of caring and taking responsibility for relationships. These interpretations are incorporated into frames extended to potential recruits and shape the group's actions. As a result these two ideologically similar liberal feminist organizations construct distinct feminist identities.     

Capturing the Multiple and Shifting Identities of Farm Women in the Northeastern United States

The identities of women on farms are shifting as more women enter farming and identify as farmers, as reflected by the 30 percent growth in women farmers in the U.S. census of agriculture (USDA 2009). This article draws from identity theory to develop a quantitative measure of the identities of farm women. The measure incorporates multiple roles farming women may perform and weights these roles by their salience to two farm identities, farm operator and farm partner. We use a sample of women on farms (n = 810) in the northeastern United States to assess the measures of role identity in relation to reported decision‐making authority, farm tasks, and farm and individual characteristics. The findings provide a multidimensional view of farming women in the northeastern United States, a far more complex view than traditional survey research has previously captured. This research provides a measure that other researchers can use to assess the multiple and shifting identities of farming women in other sections of the United States.     

The Dialectics of Depression

This article attempts to illuminate the phenomenology of clinical depression by making it sociologically intelligible. It proceeds from the fundamental premise of the sociology of medicine that there is a dialectical relationship between illness and social experience. Throughout, it explores the paradox that depressed persons greatly desire connection while they are simultaneously deprived of the ability to realize it. In-depth interview data from 35 persons diagnosed and treated for clinical depression suggest that four factors interact synergistically to deepen depression's isolation: (1) the intrinsic character of the emotional experience of depression, (2) the failure of individuals to have a clear vocabulary for understanding their own predicament, (3) the incomprehensibility of depression to “normals,” and (4) the stigma attached to “going public” with one's problem. The article concludes by outlining a research agenda that links the incidence of depression to structural factors diminishing social connection.     

Increasing Opportunities for Co-production and Personalisation Through Social Work Student Placements in Disabled People's Organisations

Social work student practice placements in disabled people's organisations offer several advantages for individual students, their peers and tutors, and DPOs themselves, who can offer placements for students in supporting service users to give their views as well as delivering social care services. In this context professional skills and anti-discriminatory practice are fostered through learning directly from disabled people as experts without the constraints of local authority policies.

This paper draws on my experiences of such student placements at Wiltshire and Swindon Users' Network over a 15-year period, 1993–2008, in collaboration with different universities. The social work student on placement here experiences an alternative organisational culture which recognises service users' expertise over professionals. The student learns to value collective peer support and working with activists who view their experience through the framework of the social model of disability. This facilitates a two-way exchange as the student learns about user-led practice and the disabled activists appreciate the skills the student brings.

The advent of policies of personalisation, the Big Society and the decreased role of local authorities is challenging the traditional model of adult care social work within local authorities. The placement of social workers in local centres for independent living, in order to provide intensive one-to-one support in support planning for those in complex situations, is only likely to increase in future. This can be seen as a positive alternative which enables professionals to rediscover their professional values and practice and extends the opportunity for placements beyond DPOs concerned with user involvement only.     

Social Movement Radicalization: the Case of the People's Democracy in Northern Ireland*

Most of existing literature assumes that social movement organizations will inevitably become more ideologically and tactically conservative over time. This paper presents a couterargument to this position, suggesting that many movement organizations can be shown to have grown more radical as they have developed. A definition of movement radicalization is constructed, and eight propositions concerning factors which seem to increase the likelihood that a movement organization will radicalize are presented. These factors include repressive action by the agents of social control, changes in the ideological and tactical orientations of the movement organization's constituency, codification of a radicalizing movement's ideology, a reduced likelihood of co-optation, certain aspects of the structural character of the larger society, weak internal controls over the group's members, and the presence of individual radical leaders. Each proposition is illustrated by reference to the career of a North Irish group known as the People's Democracy.     

Multiple Social Identities and Adjustment in Young Adults From Ethnically Diverse Backgrounds

A person‐centered approach was used to determine how identification across multiple social domains (ethnic, American, family, religious) was associated with distinct identity clusters. Utilizing data from 222 young adults from European, Filipino, Latin, and Asian American backgrounds, four clusters were found (Many Social Identities, Blended/Low Religious, Blended/Low Ethnic and American, Few Social Identities). Clusters were differentially associated with adjustment, both directly and via moderation of perceived ethnic discrimination. Those with low levels of identity across all four domains reported lower positive affect, higher negative affect, lower self‐esteem, and perceived fewer American opportunities compared with individuals in other clusters. However, the Blended/Low Ethnic and American cluster exhibited more liabilities associated with discrimination. Discussion emphasizes the importance of multiple identities in development.     

Disability and the Dialectics of Difference

This paper re-theorises disability by asking the following question: within what historical, social, economic and political conditions does disability as an analytic of difference get constructed in a dialectical relationship with gender, class, caste and race? To respond to this question, I will first offer a materialist reading of the category of disability. I will then situate this discussion in an ethnographic study of a voluntary organisation in South India which provides residential as well as rehabilitational services for disabled children. Finally, I will discuss the politics of gendered 'caring work' and its implications for the continued production of marginalised difference. In doing this, I will thus demonstrate how disability can be re-understood as an ideological condition which is also structured by the same exploitative material conditions of capitalism as are race, caste, class and gender.     

The Intersection of Multiple Minority Identities: Perspectives of White Lesbian Couples Adopting Racial/Ethnic Minority Children

In order to analyse the salience of race/ethnicity, sexual orientation, and adoptive status for lesbian adoptive parents, this study examined the challenges and strengths described by 20 White lesbian couples (40 women) who were adopting racial/ethnic minority children from within the United States. Data from two time points (pre‐ and post‐adoptive placement) were analysed qualitatively. Results indicated that the majority of women voiced concerns about raising racial/ethnic minority children in a ‘White privileged’ society. Many women reported facing a lack of understanding from others and were aware of multiple layers of stigma. However, having faced discrimination themselves as sexual minorities, many also perceived themselves as possessing unique strengths (e.g., experience coping with stigma). Many women expressed feeling that by drawing on support from their communities as well as their own awareness of and experience with diversity issues, they could prepare their children for the challenges they might face.     

The Cultural Construction of Heterosexual Identities

In this article, the author reviews current scholarship on the cultural construction of heterosexual identities. Specifically, this article examines current research on how heterosexual identities are (i) central to the production of the ritual practices of marriages, weddings and high school proms; (ii) ever more salient due to increases in lesbian and gay visibility in America; and (iii) formed through their relationship with constructions of masculinity and discourses of homophobia. Finally, I briefly discuss new scholarship on queer heterosexualities as a way to illustrate how queer cultural studies are influencing the field of sexualities studies more generally.     

The Chinese-speaking Muslims (Dungans) of Central Asia: A Case of Multiple Identities in a Changing Context

Chinese-speaking Muslims, called Dungans in Central Asia and Huizu in China, were forced to migrate to present-day Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan at the end of the nineteenth century. They reconstructed their identity through interrelations with local populations and the soviet categorisation of nationality. But after 1991, their status has being gradually destabilised owing to the changes in economic, social and political rules as well as citizenship regulations in these countries. They have to readapt to the new situation created by the independence of the three former Soviet Republics, which has challenged their unity.     

The Profusion of Individual Roles and Identities in the Postwar Period

In recent decades, the individual has become more and more central in both national and world cultural accounts of the operation of society. This continues a long historical process, intensified by the consolidation of a more global polity and the weakening of the primordial sovereignty of the national state. Increasingly, society is culturally rooted in the natural, historical, and spiritual worlds through the individual, rather than through corporate entities or groups. The shift has produced a proliferation and specification of individual roles, accounting for what individuals do in society. It has also produced an expansion in recognized individual personhood, accounting for who individuals are in the extrasocial cosmos and fueling elaborated personal tastes and preferences. Where it has been contested, the shift to the individual has also produced a rise in specializing identities (e.g., in such domains as ethnicity or gender). These offer accounts of individuals' distinctive linkages to the cosmos, and they serve to bolster individual claims to standard roles and personhood. Over time, specializing identities tend to get absorbed into roles and personhood. And in turn, expanded roles and personhood provide further bases for specializing identity claims. Because many theorists mischaracterize the relationship of specializing identities to roles and personhood, the literature often overemphasizes the anomic character of the identity explosion and the closeness of the coupling between social roles and identity claims. On the contrary, specializing identities tend to be edited to remain within general rules of individual personhood and to be disconnected from the obligations involved in institutionalized roles.     

The Women's Movement and the Family

No abstract available for this article.     

Global Civil Society: The Dialectics of Concept and Reality

This paper maps out the potential of a Gramscian conceptualisation of global civil society for understanding global resistance to neoliberal globalisation and contemporary global governance. First, the principal features of contention between contemporary representations of global civil society in studies of global resistance are examined. A predominant focus on perpetuating the division between normative and empirical conceptualisations is reoriented towards a Gramscian conceptualisation which, it is argued, affirms the emancipative potential of global civil society in global resistance. Initiating a dialogue between concept and reality (Cox, 1999 Cox, R. W. 1999. Civil society at the turn of the millennium: Prospects for an alternative world order. Review of International Studies, 25(1): 3–28. (doi:10.1017/S0260210599000042)[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar])—also referred to as the ‘dialectical nexus’ (Gramsci, 1971 Gramsci, A. 1971. Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci translated by Q. Hoare & G. Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers; London: Lawrence and Wishart) [Google Scholar])—offers alternative possibilities for the substantive analysis of global civil society in relation to global resistance. This moves Gramscian civil society towards a conceptual grounding which deals with the formation, negotiation and re-negotiation of transversal hegemony and recovers, and emphasises, the role of human agency within the global political economy.

Este artículo expone el potencial de una conceptualización gramsciana de la sociedad civil global, para entender la resistencia global a la globalización neoliberal y la gobernanza global contemporánea. Primero, se han examinado las principales características de controversia entre las representaciones contemporáneas de la sociedad civil global, en los estudios de la resistencia global. Un enfoque predominante en perpetuar la división entre las conceptualizaciones normativas y empíricas, está reorientado hacia una conceptualización gramsciana, de la cual se sostiene, que afirma el potencial tendiente a ser libre de la sociedad civil global, en la resistencia global. Con el inicio de un diálogo entre concepto y realidad (Cox 1999)—también referido como el ‘nexo dialéctico’ (Gramsci, 1971)—ofrece posibilidades alternativas para el análisis sustantivo de la sociedad civil global en relación a la resistencia global. Esto hace avanzar a la sociedad civil gramsciana hacia un fundamento conceptual que se ocupa de la formación, negociación y la renegociación de la hegemonía transversal y recupera y enfatiza el rol de la agencia humana dentro de la economía política global.

为了理解对新自由主义全球化和当代全球治理的全球抵制,本文勾勒全球公民社会的葛兰西主义概念化的潜在意义。第一,在关于全球抵制的研究中,本文探讨了公民社会的当代代表性之间争论的主要特征。主流的聚焦规范和实证的概念化之间分野的固化被重新定位,以趋于葛兰西主义的概念化,此种概念化被认为是肯定了在全球抵制中全球公民社会解放的潜在意义。倡议概念与现实之间的对话（考克斯,1999）——也指向诸如“辩证的相互联系”（Gramsci, 1971）——为与全球抵制有关的、对全球公民社会的实质分析提供了替代的可能性。这使得葛兰西主义的公民社会趋于一种概念性的基础,而这种基础论及横切的霸权的构成、谈判和再谈判,以及复原、强化全球政治经济中的人类行动的作用。

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Эта статья картографирует потенциал концептуализации Грамши мирового гражданского общества для того, чтобы понять глобальное сопротивление неолиберальной глобализации и современное глобальное управление. В первую очередь, рассматриваются главные особенности раздора между современными представлениями глобального гражданского общества в исследованиях глобального сопротивления. Особое внимание, уделяемое сохранению разделения между нормативной и эмпирической концептуализациями будет переориентировано на концептуализацию Грамши, которая, как утверждается, подтверждает освободительный потенциал глобального гражданского общества в глобальном сопротивлении. Инициирование диалога между концепцией и реальностью (Cox, 1999) также называют «диалектической связью» (Грамши, 1971) - предлагаются альтернативные возможности для независимого анализа глобального гражданского общества в связи с глобальными сопротивлением. Это перемещает гражданское общество Грамши к концептуальным основам, которые касаются формирования, переговоров и повторных обсуждений трансверсальной гегемонии и восстановления, и подчеркивает роль человеческой деятельности в рамках глобальной политической экономики.     

Disabled People and the Politics of Difference

Whilst the Disabled People's Movement has necessarily evolved from a consciousness of disability as central to its participants' identities, and a critique of disablism as endemic to institutional discrimination, academics and activists in various civil rights movements are increasingly perturbed by the personal and political dangers generated by an adherence to 'identity politics' simpliciter. The actual complexities of social life-in particular, the multiple dimensions of identities and the matrices of interlocking discriminationshave propelled us towards a politics of difference. Since a shift of premises and even paradigms is the prerequisite of such a politics, it will inevitably encounter resistance from some sections of our respective movements. This article addresses some aspects of this emerging politics of difference with reference to the self-organised groups in UNISON, the UK's public sector trade union, where the disabled members' group co-exists with groups for women, black people and lesbians and gay men, so that the politics of identity is always already entwined with the politics of difference. Three main themes are pursued-the attempts to transform occasional inter-group collaborations into sustainable inter-group coalitions; the mobilisation of differences across groups in the service of enhancing democracy within groups; and the struggles to accommodate to a burgeoning intra-group diversity.