MARGINALITY,ADVOCACY, AND THE AMBIGUITIES OF MULTICULTURALISM: NOTES ON ROMANI ACTIVISM IN CENTRAL EUROPE

Activists who take up the cause of marginalized and discriminated cultural groups often find themselves in an ambiguous position in relation to the very people whose interests they seek to represent. Inspired by the ideas of multiculturalism, minority advocates turn the cultural identity of marginalized and discriminated minorities into the central focus of a political struggle for recognition. By so doing, however, they construct a particular sectional minority identity that not only fails to give full expression to individual identities, but is usually also “stigmatized” in the sense that it is popularly associated with standard stereotypical images and negative characteristics. This article identifies this ambiguity in contemporary projects of minority rights advocacy aimed at redressing the social and economic grievances of the Roma in Central Europe. It shows how activists in the articulation of their claims rely on essentialist assumptions of Romani identity. While these minority rights claims resonate well in international forums, they also run the risk of reifying cultural boundaries, stimulating thinking in ethnic collectives, reinforcing stereotypes, and hampering collective action. By reviewing some of the recent literature on multiculturalism in social and political theory, this article explores ways of dealing with this ambiguity. It concludes that minority advocacy for the Roma can avoid the tacit reproduction of essential identities by contesting the essentializing categorization schemes that lie at the heart of categorized oppression and by foregrounding the structural inequality that drives political mobilization.     

COMMUNITY AND THE PUBLIC BODY IN BREAST CANCER MEDIA ACTIVISM

In this article, I consider how communities form around health care advocacy and activism. My concern is the place of visual media in the politics of breast cancer. Art photography and film are considered against mainstream images and media campaigns focusing on breast cancer. The primary work considered is the self-portrait photography of the artist Matuschka and the film The Body Beautiful by Ngozi Onwurah. I argue that these alternative texts help us to think about the ways in which issues such as race, age and beauty are key aspects in the experience of breast cancer, and not tangential cultural issues or ‘appearance-related side effects’, as one breast cancer support programme puts it.     

THE DEGRADATION OF THE SACRED: APPROACHES OF COOLEY AND GOFFMAN

Charles Horton Cooley and Erving Goffman both have provided similar, although usually overlooked, contributions to a sociology of religion and culture, namely, their analysis of the process whereby sacred representations of the self-transcending aspect of human nature frequently devolve into fragmented or distorted cultural symbols that increasingly provide legitimation for self-interest alone. Cooley's writings revolve around the dynamic whereby the cultural symbols of Christian mysticism degenerate into the liberal models of economic man. Goffman's work centers around the manner in which sacred rituals, originally emblematic of the social, are degraded and distorted by the onset of self-interested motivations.     

THE URBAN CONTEXT OF HISTORICAL ACTIVISM:

This article examines the contextual determinants of two types of NAACP activism between 1930 and 1939. They are the justice-oriented outreach of insurgency (e.g., a civil rights rally), and chapter-building activities (e.g., electing committee chairpersons). Activism is analyzed using a more diverse set of factors than previous research on the sociopolitical context of social movements. Specifically, I examine historical urbanization and prior racial institutional development in 136 urban counties of the United States, about 95% of the 1930 African American urban system. WLS regression is used to provide a strong statistical basis for understanding the structural power and liberation context of these two distinct types of activism during the uniquely constrained Depression Era. Both insurgency and chapter-building activities increased due to the expanding non-southern location of African Americans and the effects of WWI-era declines in the population of foreign-born hites. They declined as a result of extreme racial-occupational segregation in the local area and being distant from a predominantly African American county. The factors shaping the two types of activism were not equal, in part due to both shared and non-shared determinants. A particularly instructive finding was that wage growth served as a lever of social control, being negatively related to insurgency. Viewed together, the findings clearly point to the joint influence of economic and noneconomic factors in shaping NAACP activism during the 1930s, and enhance our understanding of the broader determinants of Africans activism generally.     

THE AGENCY OF POLITICS AND SCIENCE

We study a principal‐agent relationship between a politician and a researcher that captures stylized facts regarding the involvement of politics into scientific research. The politician has some ideal policy that he would like to implement, but needs to contract with a researcher to choose a policy that is supported by scientific advice. We study the implemented contracts under symmetric and under asymmetric information about the researcher's ability and concern for reputation, and discuss with which types of researchers the politician will contract. We identify several conflicts between the interests of voters and those of the politician. (JEL D72, D82, D83)     

PRESSURE POLITICS AND CONSUMER INTERESTS: THE SUGAR ISSUE

The perpetual "Battle of the Sugar Bowl", as it enters a newphase in its relation to national defense policies, continuesto affect consumer interests. The April 1938 issue of the QUARTERLYpresented an analysis of "Sugar and Public Opinion" by JohnE. Dalton. Currently, Mr. Baldwin presents his analysis of thecontending groups and the issues at stake. He first became interestedin this problem during the fight over the sugar schedule ofthe Hawley-Smoot Tariff. He has worked in the interest of, amongothers, the American Bottlers of Carbonated Beverages and theHershey Corporation, an American company producing and refiningcane sugar in Cuba, and is a member of the Cuban Committee ofthe National Foreign Trade Council.     

FINDING THE AUDIENCE IN EARLY AMERICAN RADIO

Available, well-positioned urban space at relatively low cost has permitted the growth of a lively small-scale and independent fashion sector in Berlin, mostly female-led. These shops, workshops, boutiques and ‘ateliers’ have also benefited from support in the form of reduced rents for business start-ups (Zwischennutzung) and other provisions which encourage job creation and self-employment. Within and alongside the imperative to self-organise according to the requirements of contemporary entrepreneurial governance, different, proliferating forms of activity can be seen where there are co-operative and collaborative modes of ‘co-working’. Fashion design workshops in Berlin both subscribe to and undermine commercial imperatives, offering embedded forms of job creation where ethical fashion and urban regeneration enter into partnership. This article proceeds by ‘lifting out’ fashion design from current debates about creative economy where the specificities of this sector are often submerged, and, considering recent changes within the fashion industry per se, it offers some reflections, in a period of austerity and cuts to public spending, as well as high unemployment for young women, on the possibilities for localized practice within a neo-artisanal frame. The question of entrepreneurship understood within a broadly Foucauldian frame is interrupted on the basis of the tendency to homogenize and flatten practices within the terms of neo-liberal governmentality. By paying attention to the many multi-mediated associations, and networked arrangements where elements from an earlier tradition of feminist projects, third sector and not-for-profit activities can be drawn on, the assemblages of fashion emerge as a pathway for local growth, meaningful non-standard jobs and a merging of craft with ethical and sustainable practice.     

DEMOCRATIC POLITICS AND THE LONG MARCH ON GLOBAL WARMING: Comments on McCright and Dunlap

The political impasse over global warming legislation stems from obstacles in the mass media arena, public awareness, electoral politics as well as governmental policy. Advocates of global warming policy have to be simultaneously successful in all four major public arenas to prevail. This article provides an overview of the obstacles in each public arena in the United States highlighting the broader context in which McCright and Dunlap's analysis of polarized public opinion operates. Global warming advocates have had their greatest success in the media arena but are checked by the rise of a conservative counter‐campaign as well as media reporting norms, which have contributed to polarized public opinion and limited salience of the issue. Global warming never ranks in the top issue list to which electoral candidates attend, giving it little priority in national electoral contests. Although the House of Representatives passed the Waxman‐Markey Bill in 2009, the bill died in the Senate and will not resurface until the Democratic margin is again large enough to overcome opposition vetoes. At the same time, major legislation has often incubated on the margins of these public arenas for significant time until a political crisis removes the normal obstacles to such major “watershed” legislation. For global warming, the long march through American public arenas appears to have begun.     

SYMBOLIC POLITICS IN THE INFORMATION AGE: THE 1996 REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS IN CYBERSPACE

This paper traces the use of the World Wide Web as a medium of political communication during the 1996 American presidential campaigns. Beginning with the Republican campaigns' use of the medium during the primary election season, a typology of uses of the web is outlined. While all campaigns felt it necessary to participate in the World Wide Web, different candidates used the medium differently. Furthermore, no campaign made full use of the much-publicized interactive capacity of the web; they used it more as a new means of transmitting traditional mass-media literature (video, graphics, etc.) and as a way of providing access to large volumes of campaign information (voting records, speeches, position papers, etc.).     

THE POLITICS OF GENDER IN FAMILY THERAPY

This article provides an overview of the political implications of various approaches to gender within the clinical literature. It emphasizes the process of the rapy within the social context of gender relations and identifies the politcal consequences of various clinical responses. Issues surrounding the appropriate role and stance of therapists relative to gender are identified, ethical issues such as neutrality and client welfare are re-examined, and suggestions for practice are addressed.     

PARTY POLITICS AND THE PRICE OF PAYOLA

The literature contains two competing views of the role of political parties: parties are treated either as associations of interest groups supported to the degree that they offer electoral support in the lawmaker's district, or as expressions of the personal ideologies of the lawmakers. In this paper parties are treated as bargaining agents for groups of lawmakers in their dealings with interest groups. Interest groups are depicted buying votes on proposals where those votes are cheapest. Parties are combinations of consistently low-price vote suppliers. The theory has empirical power that discriminates between it and the two competing models.     

INFO-WAR AND THE POLITICS OF FEMINIST CURIOSITY

The attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon in September 2001 and the subsequent declaration of the ‘war on terror’ by US and European powers, placed a particular burden upon feminists in those countries to call attention to the centrality of gender discourse in the current geo-political era. This essay recognises the urgency of exploring the ‘war on global terror’ from a feminist perspective, and applying pedagogical expertise to encourage wide-ranging, informed debate within the academic classroom. Identifying the feminist questions at the heart of contemporary discourse on freedom and civilization can become a valuable way to develop a critique of imperialism from many different locations. Two themes are pursued: the language of difference, and the implications of speaking about women and gender in different situations; and the challenges of postmodern warfare, which demand a close critique of information sources. The international enterprise to reconstruct civil society in Afghanistan offers urgent opportunities to test the feasibility of transnational feminist work, in theory and practice. Finally, the essay considers the importance of bringing different kinds of contemporary texts into the classroom. The best-selling The Bookseller of Kabul is examined as a useful subject of critique. Bringing a feminist perspective on whiteness can also be helpful in analysing representations of orientalist, racist texts. Finally, feminist analyses of militarism provide a valuable way to connect patterns of power ‘at home’ with the way that war is represented to the public.     

IMAGINING 'ASIA-PACIFIC': FORGETTING POLITICS AND COLONIALISM IN THE MAGICAL WATERS OF THE PACIFIC. AN AMERICANIST CRITIQUE

This essay offers a critical genealogy of US imperial dynamics in the Pacific in the context of examining the discursive tactics of APEC and the emerging hegemony of transnational capital in the region. Moving from Honolulu to Taipei and Canberra in focus, it tracks the dynamics of globalization and localization under which Asia-Pacific is being constructed into postcolonial if not post-political identity as a coherent region of teleological belonging. Literary and cultural producers are invoked, to the contrary, in order to wrest Asia/Pacific into critical self-consciousness of regional unevenness, alternative possibility, spatial contestation, and desublimated otherness. Asia/Pacific can thus become the signifier for a cultural studies in which opposition, location, indigeneity, and alternative discursive framings of the region can come into contemporary critical play.     

ANA MENDIETA AND THE POLITICS OF THE VENUS NEGRA

The theorizations by some early feminists of the affiliation between Earth and woman, the ‘archetype of the Great Goddess’, and the ‘universal female’, are today regarded with embarrassment as essentializing, ultimately disempowering gestures. This article examines a 1981 project by Cuban-born artist Ana Mendieta for the feminist art journal Heresies. In this project she combines a photograph of one of her own earthworks with her translation of the nineteenth-century Cuban legend The Venus Negra. By investigating this legend in the context of nineteenth-century Cuban nationalism, and this earthwork in terms of twentieth-century US/Latino politics, this article argues that the Earth is not necessarily the essential category it appears to be. It claims that the discursive deployment of the Earth - the nation's primitive Other - subverts ideologies of the nation and contributes to its performative renegotiation. Further, it suggests that, in using this legend to disrupt the hegemonic construction of nation, both the legend's authors and its contemporary translator play with the performativity of both gender and race.     

STABILITY AND CHANGE IN THE U.S. PUBLIC'S KNOWLEDGE OF POLITICS

The U.S. public's current knowledge about politics is comparedwith levels of knowlege in the 1940s and 1950s. Fourteen questionsasked by Gallup on various surveys from 1945 to 1957 were includedon a larger survey of political knowledge conducted by telephonein 1989 with a randomly selected sample of 610 adult U.S. residents.On 8 of the 14 items, the percentage answering correctly in1989 was higher than in the earlier surveys (by 4–15 points).One item showed an increase of 1 percent, two were down 1 percent,and three others declined by 5 percent, 9 percent, and 10 percent.When level of education is controlled, however, levels of knowledgeappear to have declined for most of the items. A reanalysisof some of the original Gallup data is used to estimate theeffectiveness of schools in transmitting political informationin 1989 compared with the earlier years.     

STRADDLING THE SACRED AND SECULAR: CREATING A SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE THROUGH BELLY DANCE

Few studies examine spiritual experiences through seemingly secular activities. Who has spiritual experiences while belly dancing? How does belly dance become spiritual? Using surveys and interviews with 77 belly dancers in the United States, this study shows that belly dance is spiritual for people who consider spirituality important in their lives, have belly danced for many years, rarely attend worship services, and are not affiliated with Judeo-Christian religions. Belly dance becomes spiritual when dancers “let go” and experience various connections. The dance itself and the environment in which one dances facilitate spiritual experiences. Implications for spirituality are discussed.