The consumer expenditures of elderly women: Racial,marital, and rural/urban impacts

This research, using data from the interview component of the 1990 Consumer Expenditure Survey (CES), examines the main and interaction effects of race, marital status, and residence on the economic well-being of women 65 years or older (N=3,205). Economic well-being is measured by total annualized expenditures of the household for goods and services. The first hypothesis is supported: race, marital status, and urban or rural residence each has a major effect on the economic well-being of older women after adjusting for the effects of age and household size. The characteristics of nonwhite, nonmarried, and rural are associated with lower economic well-being. The second hypothesis is not supported: race, marital status, and residence do not interact to produce differences in the economic well-being of older women. Both hypotheses are examined by analysis of covariance. The results show the economic diversity of older women and the persistent effects of race, marital status, and rural or urban residence on the economic well-being of older women regardless of age and household size. This research was conducted at the Agricultural Research Service, United States Department of Agriculture (Family Economics Research Group), Hyattsville, MD, July 1992, where Dr. Kivett was a Visiting Scientist at the time. Appreciation is expressed to the staff of the Family Economics Research Group for their technical assistance at all stages of the research. and 1992 Visiting Professor at the Family Economics Research Group, Agricultural Research Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. Her current research interests include the family supports and relationships of older retired migrants. She received her Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Her current research interests include the economic status of elderly American households. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Maryland.     

Racial differences in depression trajectories among older women: socioeconomic, family, and health influences

Despite recent increases in life course research on mental illness, important questions remain about the social patterning of, and explanations for, depression trajectories among women in later life. The authors investigate competing theoretical frameworks for the age patterning of depressive symptoms and the physical health, socioeconomic, and family mechanisms differentiating black and white women. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Mature Women, the authors use linear mixed (growth curve) models to estimate trajectories of distress for women aged 52 to 81 years (N = 3,182). The results demonstrate that: (1) there are persistently higher levels of depressive symptoms among black women relative to white women throughout later life; (2) physical health and socioeconomic status account for much of the racial gap in depressive symptoms; and (3) marital status moderates race differences in distress. The findings highlight the importance of physical health, family, and socioeconomic status in racial disparities in mental health.     

African American and European American Women's Marital Well‐Being

Using a sample of 247 African American and European American women in their 3rd year of marriage, this study compared the predictors of marital well‐being for each group by focusing on the influences of individual, interpersonal, and social and economic resources. Regression analyses revealed that emotional health (individual), trusting one's spouse (interpersonal), and feeling underbenefited in the relationship (interpersonal) were significant predictors of marital well‐being for both groups of women. Physical health (individual) and in‐law relations (social and economic), however, affected the marital well‐being of only African American women. Findings from this study suggest the need to examine marital well‐being within the context of race.     

Marital Status,Marital History,Body Weight,and Obesity

Marital status and marital history are associated with health. Marital history can be represented by the marital trajectory components of timing, transitions, sequence, and duration. We examined whether marital trajectory components add insights beyond marital status in predicting body weight in a retrospective analysis of 3,011 adults. Marital status findings revealed that married men were heavier than separated/divorced men, and never married women were heavier and more often obese than married women. Marital history findings showed that after adjusting for marital status, trajectory measures of age at first marriage, second marriage or second divorce, experiencing widowhood, and duration of separation/divorce were not clearly associated with body weight or obesity. Body weight and obesity appear to be associated with current marital status but not marital history.     

Family Formation and Close Social Ties Within Religious Congregations

The study of family and religion has yet to elaborate on the social ties that connect these two important and changing institutions. Specifically, how does family formation (i.e., marriage and childrearing) impact social ties to religious communities? Using longitudinal data from the Portraits of American Life Study (2006–2012) and fixed effects regression models that control for time‐stable heterogeneity (N = 1,314), this study tests the effects of marriage and childrearing on changes in close congregational social ties. Fixed effects estimates suggest that marriage actually decreases close social ties to religious congregations, whereas rearing children within marital unions increases them. Thus, it is children, not marriage per se, that actually integrates married couples into religious communities. These contrasting effects tend to be the strongest among young adults, but they weaken with age as well as marital duration.     

NOT SO FAST,MY FRIEND: SOCIAL CAPITAL AND THE RACE DISPARITY IN PROMOTIONS AMONG COLLEGE FOOTBALL COACHES

To better understand persistent racial inequality in occupational mobility, we examine the influence of race and social capital on the promotions of 320 assistant college football coaches. The results from quantitative analyses demonstrate that social capital matters a great deal for promotions, but its impact is contingent on the race of the respondent. Specifically, network connections to heterogeneous contacts (racially heterophilous ties, weak ties, and high-status ties) appear to be more effective for black coaches than for white coaches. The findings underscore the importance and complexity of the relationships between race, social capital, and occupational mobility.     

Race‐Ethnicity,Union Status,and Change in Body Mass Index in Young Adulthood

This study used data from three waves of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health and fixed effects regression to consider whether associations between change in union status and change in body mass index (BMI) were moderated by race‐ethnicity. The results indicated that intimate unions were differentially associated with gains in BMI along racial‐ethnic lines, especially for women. When compared with White women, marriage was associated with larger increases in BMI for Black, Hispanic, and Multiracial women, and cohabitation was associated with larger increases for Black and Hispanic women. In contrast, marriage and cohabitation were associated with less weight gain for Asian when compared with White women. Among men, racial‐ethnic differences in the relationship between union status and BMI were similarly patterned but less pronounced. The results suggest that marital status further exacerbates racial‐ethnic disparities in BMI from adolescence to young adulthood.     

The Role of Marital Status and Age on Men’s and Women’s Reactions to Touch from a Relational Partner

Prior research has consistently documented differences between men’s and women’s reactions to being touched by other people. One of the more interesting findings in this literature is the apparent role of marital status in dramatically altering these sex differences in reactions to intimate touch. Unmarried men tend to respond more favorably to intimate touch than unmarried women do, but this difference is reversed among married people. However, research that documented this effect has potentially confounded marital status with age. Participants in this investigation were 305 adults, ranging in age from 18–69. They completed an extensive survey of their reactions to touch to various body regions from a significant other. Results indicated that men had uniformly more positive reactions to intimate touch than women did. For non-intimate touch, the sexes were more comparable in their reactions. This investigation once again documented a disordinal sex by marital status interaction. Unmarried men had generally more positive reactions to touch than unmarried women did and this pattern was reversed among married participants. When statistically controlling for participants’ age, these interactions were still evident.     

Women and Access to Political Office: a Comparison of Female and Male State Legislators

The status of women in state legislatures is examined in terms of representation across the United States. A sample of female state legislators and a sample of male state legislators are compared on social and political career characteristics, including marital status, education, occupation, age when one began serving, election mobility, party leadership, and tenure. Party leadership, education, age and, to a lesser extent, occupation were found to distinguish female from male legislators. But party leadership significantly differentiated only between female and male legislators with less than a college degree. Overall, access to state legislative office seems to depend on the same characteristics which define success in society as a whole; for certain groups of women, however, achievement within party ranks provides an alternative mechanism to this end.     

Sex Differences in the Characteristics of Members Lost to a Longitudinal Panel: A Speculative Research Note

A nine-year follow-up of former adolescents reveals sex differencesin the relative deviance and drug involvement of individualslost to the panel in young adulthood. As expected, men who werereinterviewed were less deviant than the noninterviewed, whilethe opposite was observed among women. Specification by raceindicates that the female pattern applies especially to nonwhites,but all women who are reinterviewed, irrespective of race, areno less deviant than the nonreinterviewed. The paradoxical findingfor females may result from changing marital status in thatparticular period of the life cycle and an inverse relationshipbetween delinquency and marriage.     

Understanding Racial Differences in Marital Disruption: Recent Trends and Explanations

We use data from the Current Population Survey to investigate racial differences in recent patterns of marital disruption. Although a leveling in the trend of disruption has occurred for White women since 1980, our results suggest less stabilization in rates of disruption among Black women. We also observe significant differences by race in the effects of key compositional factors on the risk of marital disruption, including age at marriage, education, premarital childbearing, and region of residence. Differences in population composition with respect to these characteristics, however, cannot alone explain the overall racial gap in disruption.     

Economic Consequences of Divorce or Separation Among Women in Poverty

This study, using data from the National Longitudinal Survey's Young Women Cohort, looked at characteristics of low- income women following divorce or separation. Resources and characteristics that would help explain a woman's ability to move out of poverty in the year following divorce or separation were ana- lyzed. Discriminant anal sis results indicated that the most impor- tant discriminators of w K ether or not women would move out of poverty immediately following marital disruption were current em- ployment status, job training, education, race, and presence of a child under six years old.     

MOBILIZING SOCIAL RESOURCES: Race, Ethnic, and Gender Differences in Social Capital and Persisting Wage Inequalities

Drawing on a social capital theoretical framework, I examine race, ethnic, and gender wage inequalities. Specifically, I extend past research by analyzing differences in the mobilization of different types of job contacts, what these types of contacts and their level of influence "buy" job seekers in the labor market, and the extent to which differences in social resources explain between-group variations in wages. Four aspects of job contacts are implicated: the race and gender of the job contact, the strength of the relationship between the job seeker and the job contact, and the job contact's influence. Employing the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality, I find that white men are more likely to mobilize weak, white, male, and influential contacts, those contacts hypothesized to positively impact employment outcomes. Moreover, their greater mobilization of male and influential ties helps to explain a substantial part of their wage advantage over white women and Lations. However, in many ways, their overall social resource advantage seems somewhat overstated. They reap no advantages over blacks, Latinos, and white women in their use of weak and white ties. Furthermore, results indicate that the benefits of social resources appear largely contingent on the social structural location of job seekers mobilizing them, less on any benefits inherent in different "types" of job contacts.     

DISPOSITIONAL OPTIMISM AND THE EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL NETWORK DIVERSITY

Personality has yet to be examined as an indirect yet powerful determinant of the diversity of personal social networks that is independent of preference‐ and population‐based mechanisms. I use the 2004 General Social Survey to illustrate how dispositional optimism shapes core discussion network size as well as demographic heterophily among core ties. I find that optimism is associated with enhanced network size as well as ties among nonkin and across lines of age, education, and race. Following these results, I urge closer attention to personality as it dynamically shapes the social structure of opportunities and resources.     

The times they are a changin': marital status and health differentials from 1972 to 2003

Although the meanings and rates of being married, divorced, separated, never-married, and widowed have changed significantly over the past several decades, we know very little about historical trends in the relationship between marital status and health. Our analysis of pooled data from the National Health Interview Survey from 1972 to 2003 shows that the self-rated health of the never-married has improved over the past three decades. Moreover, the gap between the married and the never married has steadily converged over time for men but not for women. In contrast, the self-rated health of the widowed, divorced, and separated worsened over time relative to the married, and the adverse effects of marital dissolution have increased more for women than for men. Our findings highlight the importance of social change in shaping the impact of marital status on self-reported health and challenge long-held assumptions about gender, marital status, and health.     

The Effects of the Differential Undercount on Survey Estimates of Race Differences in Marriage

The fact that Blacks, and especially Black men, are not as well represented in survey data as Whites is well known among demographers. What is less well known is the potential impact of the differential undercount on estimates of race differences in various demographic behaviors. This research examines the potential effects of the differential undercount by race and marital status on estimates of race differences in marriage. The results show that the differential undercount has a surprisingly small effect on population distributions and on life‐table estimates of race differences in marriage formation. The author concludes that underrepresentation of unmarried Black men in survey data cannot explain why the race gap in marriage is smaller among men than among women.     

A Study of Work Participation by Graduate Female Social Workers: Some Implications for Professional Social Work Training

Work participation of graduate women social workers, 40 to 60 years old was studied. The average extent of work for the total group was 61 percent of the time since graduation. Extent of work was related to marital status and to the sequence of marriage and social work training. Teenage committment to work had no effect on the extent of work later in life. Higher work rates were associated with more advanced age, fewer children, and more work experience in the pregraduate period Remedial activities at the community, school, agency, and student levels that begin at the time of professional education and could help increase the extent of work activity are discussed in this paper.     

The mental health of the never-married

Although the interaction between mental health and marital status has been the object of much social scientific research, little is known about the mental health of never-married people. This article reviews research relevant to mental health and marital status as it pertains to never-marrieds. Methodological problems and current gaps in such research are pointed out. The mental health of never-marrieds is examined from three popular models of mental health—the social protection, social reaction, and social selection models. Each model offers competing explanations for differences in rates between married and unmarried people and between unmarried men and women. Suggestions are offered for improvement in researching the mental health of this neglected group.     

Gender Differences in Self-Reported Reasons for Homelessness

The purpose of this paper is to illustrate some of the ways in which the perceived pathways into homelessness are socially structured. We do this by examining the relative frequency of 11 different reasons homeless males and females cite for being homeless. Males were more likely to cite the following as their main reasons for homelessness: loss of a job, discharge from an institution, mental health problems, and alcohol or drug problems. Women were more likely to cite the following as their main reason for homelessness: eviction, interpersonal conflict, and someone no longer able or willing to help. Self-reported reasons for being homeless are also related to age, marital status, race, and being a veteran. As expected, they are also linked to receptiveness to treatment. Gender differences in reasons for homelessness may require different approaches to building helping relationships with homeless men and women.     

Gender Differences in Self-Reported Reasons for Homelessness

The purpose of this paper is to illustrate some of the ways in which the perceived pathways into homelessness are socially structured. We do this by examining the relative frequency of 11 different reasons homeless males and females cite for being homeless. Males were more likely to cite the following as their main reasons for homelessness: loss of a job, discharge from an institution, mental health problems, and alcohol or drug problems. Women were more likely to cite the following as their main reason for homelessness: eviction, interpersonal conflict, and someone no longer able or willing to help. Self-reported reasons for being homeless are also related to age, marital status, race, and being a veteran. As expected, they are also linked to receptiveness to treatment. Gender differences in reasons for homelessness may require different approaches to building helping relationships with homeless men and women.