家务劳动与已婚女性劳动力市场表现——兼论性别角色的调节作用

家务劳动对工资的惩罚效应受家务劳动时间、种类以及能否在休息日完成的影响,但国内已有研究仅从整体上或家务劳动种类分析家务劳动时间对劳动力市场结果的影响,没有将家务劳动时间按工作日和休息日划分的研究。基于2016年中国家庭追踪调查数据,实证检验工作日家务劳动和休息日家务劳动对已婚女性劳动力市场表现的影响,并加入工作日和休息日家务劳动时间与性别角色观念的交互项,探究性别角色观念的调节作用。研究结果显示,工作日家务劳动和休息日家务劳动均对已婚女性非农就业、受雇情况和周工作时长有负向影响,并且工作日家务劳动的负向影响更大。无论工作日家务劳动还是休息日家务劳动对已婚女性的小时工资率都没有显著的惩罚效应。工作日家务劳动和休日家务劳动对已婚女性劳动力市场表现的影响存在城乡差异。性别角色观念会增强已婚女性工作日家务劳动的小时工资惩罚效应,休息日家务劳动对已婚女性非农就业和受雇情况的负向影响会受性别角色观念的调节作用而加强。提高已婚女性劳动参与和收入,改善我国就业和收入的不平等,需要社会和家庭的共同努力。     

结婚、生育对工资的影响研究 ——基于性别工资差距角度

随着技术进步和女性人力资本水平的提高,男性和女性的劳动生产率差异逐渐缩小,但性别工资差距在我国是否缩小?全面开放的"二胎政策"又是否加深了女性就业困境?本文使用CGSS 2015数据,从结婚、生育角度出发,运用工具变量法、分位数回归、Oaxaca-blinder分解等方法考察婚育事件对劳动力工资的影响及其作用机制,探讨婚育视角下的性别工资差距问题,提出相应对策建议以促进性别公平。研究首先通过对城镇劳动力的婚姻状态和生育情况与工资性收入进行实证分析,发现在控制了个人特征、人力资本、职业性质和地区等因素后,性别工资差距仍显著存在且婚育事件拉大了该差距。其中结婚使男女劳动力的工资水平均有所提高,但由于原始工资水平的差异和溢价大小的不同,性别工资差距被拉大;生育使男性工资增长,女性工资缩水,这同样加大了性别工资差距。其次基于分位数回归结果进行Oaxaca-blinder平均工资差异分解,结果显示随着收入的增加,性别工资差距在缩小,但婚姻和生育对此差距的解释力度却越来越大且相对稳定。即低收入群体的工资差距较大,但婚育对该差距的解释力度较小,相反高收入群体的性别工资差距较小,但婚育对该差距的贡献却很大。因此,缩小婚姻和生育造成的性别工资差距、消除性别歧视、保障女性职业的可持续发展是亟待解决的问题。     

工资率提升对农民工超时劳动的影响

大量农民工处于严重的超时劳动状态,就业质量不容乐观。学界普遍认为农民工超时劳动多为提升收入,因而提升工资率有助于其工作时间的减少。这一结论与劳动供给理论相悖,原因在于能力偏差和工资率计算的除法偏差均导致工作时间和工资率存在负相关关系。本文基于2017年流动人口动态监测调查数据,应用工具变量方法消除估计偏差,分析工资率提升对农民工超时劳动的影响。研究结果表明：工资率提升使得高技能农民工超时劳动概率增加,工资率提升10%导致男性和女性超时劳动概率分别增加8.41%和13.18%;工资率提升对低技能男性农民工超时劳动具有较小的缓解作用,工资率提升10%导致低技能男性农民工重度超时劳动概率下降1.11%,而使得其超时劳动时间和重度超时劳动时间分别减少0.89%和1.04%;工资率提升使得低技能女性农民工超时劳动增加,工资率提升10%导致低技能女性农民工超时劳动和重度超时劳动概率分别增加9.33%和4.58%,而超时劳动和重度超时劳动时间分别增加1.81%和1.36%。工资率提升对农民工超时劳动的缓解作用是有限的,因此政府部门应保证农民工获得合理加班工资,同时加强对工作时间的限制并为农民工提供更...     

中国大学毕业生性别工资差距分布特征研究——“天花板效应”还是“粘地板效应”?

文章基于"中国大学毕业生求职与工作能力调查"数据,研究大学毕业生性别工资差距及分布特征。Quantile回归分解显示,男生毕业半年后的月工资高于女生约9%～20%,性别工资差距随分位点升高而扩大。这表明大学毕业生性别工资差距中存在"天花板效应"而非"粘地板效应"。性别工资差距中绝大部分(90%左右)归于歧视,工资分布顶端约30%的女生群体所受歧视更大,她们更应受到反歧视政策的关注。分行业和职业对性别工资的Quantile回归分解显示,行业性别隔离和职业性别隔离现象并存。此外,工作能力对缩小性别工资差距和歧视有积极作用,"211"重点大学、本科学历、具有实习经验(与专业相关和无关实习兼有)的男生工作能力更强。     

我国男性的婚姻溢酬——基于内生选择性模型的分析

本文利用2008年的RUMiC（中印农民工调查数据）构造内生选择模型分析我国男性的婚姻溢酬。OI．S结果显示,控制个人特征和单位特征后,已婚男性的工资大于未婚男性的工资,婚姻溢酬为O．360。控制了婚姻选择性和妻子工作时间内生性后,使用Hekman两步法对此分析后发现婚姻溢酬更大一些,达到了O．523;这表明我国男性的婚姻溢酬不能简单归因于选择性假说,即已婚男性比未婚男性拥有更高的不可观测的生产力。进一步的研究发现,我国男性的婚姻溢酬可以用生产力假说中的家庭内部分工理论来解释,OLS和Heckman两步法的回归结果均表明,我国男性的婚姻溢酬随妻子的工作时间上升而下降。     

流动人口初职时间间隔及其影响因素的性别差异——基于生存分析的视角

基于福建省2977个流动人口职业流动的个体历时数据,应用Kaplan-Meyer方法和Cox比例风险模型方法,对不同性别流动人口的初职时间间隔及其影响因素的异同进行分析。研究发现,与男性流动人口相比,女性流动人口离开初职的概率略小,但在初职的时间间隔偏短。在初职时间间隔的影响因素中,初职收入、教育年限、婚姻状态、家庭迁移类型和流入地城镇等级规模的影响存在性别共性,而家庭抚养比、职业类型、企业性质和来源地类型的影响存在性别差异。     

城镇就业人群生育意愿及其影响因素的性别差异研究——职业结构、时间分配和性别观念的效应

文章利用2013年中国综合社会调查数据,以城镇已婚就业人群为分析对象,探讨了职业结构、时间分配和性别观念与两性生育意愿之间的关系.研究显示:女性期望生育两个及以上孩子的比例低于男性;女性生育意愿的影响因素更具社会性,男性生育意愿的影响因素更具生物性.此外,"时间贫困"对两性生育意愿均有制约,时间自主性强生育意愿也更强;而"时间稀缺"仅对女性有影响,性别观念更现代的女性较倾向于将闲暇时间为己所用而非生育子女.     

养育子女数量对男性工资收入的影响

随着性别平等观念的普及,男性育儿日益普遍,子女数量增加将挤占男性劳动时间,带来工资收入损失。与此同时,男性也承担更多的育儿经济责任,经济压力可能推动男性努力工作、赚取更多收入。那么养育子女数量究竟对男性工资收入产生何种影响？是“父职惩罚”还是“父职激励”？为回答此问题,本研究利用2018年中国家庭追踪调查数据,以一孩性别为工具变量,探究子女数量对男性工资收入的影响、影响机制及差异性。研究发现：第一,子女数量每增加1个,男性工资收入增长6.1%,即子女数量越多,男性工资收入越高,在进行多种稳健性检验后,该结论依然成立。第二,子女数量增多不仅促使男性提升劳动供给数量,如增加额外工作量,进而提升工资收入,还促使男性提升劳动供给质量,如提高工作效率、进行职业向上流动,从而实现增收。第三,子女数量对男性工资收入的影响在户籍、地区、受教育水平方面存在差异性,相较于农村户籍群体,非农户籍群体面临的经济负担更大,他们获得更高工资的动机更大,因此子女数量对非农户籍群体的收入提升作用更大;相较于中西部地区,东部地区经济更发达,东部地区的劳动者获得高工资的可能性更大,因此子女数量对东部地区群体的收入提升作用...     

中国劳动力市场中的性别收入差异:一个社会资本的解释

在当前中国劳动力市场中,有关性别工资收入差异的诸多传统理论解释均遇到了一定程度的挑战。基于社会资本的理论视角,文章运用2009年中国八大城市社会网络与职业经历调查数据(JSnet2009),对性别收入差异议题进行再检验。在阐释了社会资本影响性别收入差异的机制后,文章进一步分解了社会资本对性别收入差异的贡献额。Oaxaca-Blinder分解显示,女性的社会资本欠缺,可解释性别收入差异的12.7%,占总解释量的70%以上;分位数回归分解进一步显示,在中高收入群体中,社会资本的性别差异更大,对性别收入差距的贡献更高,并且女性劳动者的社会资本回报率也显著低于男性;另外,女性在社会资本上欠缺还是导致职业性别隔离现象的重要原因。     

解放前东北人口的性别比例

<正> 性别是人口的最基本的特征,性别率是人口构成的重要组成部分。性别构成的高低,直接影响着人们的婚姻、生育和社会的经济结构。因此,研究人口性别率对于研究婚姻问题、人口再生产问题和发展经济问题都具有重要意义。性别率是反映人口性别构成的一个指标,它是指人口中男性同女性之间的比例。用公式表示为:     

Gender,Parenthood and Wage Differences: The Importance of Time-Consuming Job Characteristics

Using data from the Swedish Level of Living Survey (2000, 2010), we investigate how the gender wage gap varies with occupational prestige and family status and also examine the extent to which this gap is explained by time-consuming working conditions. In addition, we investigate whether there is an association between parenthood, job characteristics and wage (as differentiated by gender). The analyses indicate that there are gender differences regarding prestige-based pay-offs among parents that are partly explained by fathers’ greater access to employment characterized by time-consuming conditions. Separate analyses for men and women demonstrate the presence of a marriage wage premium for both genders, although only men have a parenthood wage premium. This fatherhood premium is however only present in high-prestigious occupations. Compared with childless men, fathers are also more advantaged in terms of access to jobs with time-consuming working conditions, but the wage gap between fathers and childless men is not explained by differences in access to such working conditions.     

<Emphasis Type="Bold">Women’s Progress for Men’s Gain? Gender-Specific Changes in the Return to Education as Measured by Family Standard of Living, 1990 to 2009–2011</Emphasis>

This study investigates gender-specific changes in the total financial return to education among persons of prime working ages (35–44 years) using U.S. Census data from 1990 and 2000, and the 2009–2011 American Community Survey. We define the total financial return to education as the family standard of living as measured by family income adjusted for family size. Our results indicate that women experienced significant progress in educational attainment and labor market outcomes over this time period. Ironically, married women’s progress in education and personal earnings has led to greater improvement in the family standard of living for married men than for women themselves. Gender-specific changes in assortative mating are mostly responsible for this paradoxical trend. Because the number of highly educated women exceeds the number of highly educated men in the marriage market, the likelihood of educational marrying up has substantially increased for men over time while women’s likelihood has decreased. Sensitivity analyses show that the greater improvement in the family standard of living for men than for women is not limited to prime working-age persons but is also evident in the general population. Consequently, women’s return to education through marriage declined while men’s financial gain through marriage increased considerably.     

American Househusbands: New Time Use Evidence of Gender Display, 2003–2016

The traditional gendered division of household labor, where women did the bulk of all domestic labor, is eroding. The literature on housework, however, does not discuss the ways how to test for the non-traditional gender performances. Using the American Time Use Survey (2003–2016), the present study fills in this research gap and re-tests the relationship between relative earnings and the performance of housework. The analysis of women’s time spent on domestic work shows that the traditional gender display explanation still applies to women’s participation in routine tasks such as cooking and cleaning. Thus, breadwinning wives display gender neutralizing behavior and ‘do’ gender. On the other hand, American men show non-normative gender behavior in cooking and cleaning, but not in maintenance, where they still ‘do’ gender. This paper unveils a persistent traditional gender performance of women in housework and a new pattern for men’s involvement in indoor routine housework.     

What's happening to marriage in East Asia?

This article presents an overview of marriage patterns in East Asia. Globally, marriage patterns are changing. In East Asia, cultural patterns are slowing the changes in attitude toward marriage that are occurring in the West. There are implications of changing attitudes for government planners. This issue of Asia-Pacific Population and Policy is based on a series of studies of marriage and family life in Japan, South Korea, and the US. Data were obtained from the 1994 Japan Survey on Work and Family Life; the 1994 South Korea Survey on the Quality of Life; and the 1992-94 US Survey of Families and Households. Findings are reported on marriage age, attitudes toward marriage, attitudes post-marriage, and work patterns during marriage. Both Japan and South Korea have below replacement level fertility and traditional gendered division of labor in the household. In South Korea, women who work 35 or more hours/week spend 31 hours/week on housework, while husbands contribute 14 hours/week. In the US, the equivalent figures were 26 hours for full-time working wives and 9 hours for husbands. In Japan, wives spent 30 hours on housework, while husbands spent 3 hours. Full-time work outside the home involved 57% of married women in Japan, 27% in South Korea, and 66% in the US. Notwithstanding the double burden, women in South Korea and Japan experience pressure from competitive school systems for their children. After-school academic programs are expensive. The trend is for greater reluctance to marry. Replacement level fertility is unlikely unless full equality is achieved in the family.     

Relatively Different? How do Gender Differences in Well-Being Depend on Paid and Unpaid Work in Europe?

Absolute as well as relative hours of paid and unpaid work may influence well-being. This study investigates whether absolute hours spent on paid work and housework account for the lower well-being among women as compared to men in Europe, and whether the associations between well-being and hours of paid work and housework differ by gender attitudes and social context. Attitudes towards women’s and men’s paid work and housework obligations may influence how beneficial or detrimental it is to spend time on these activities, as may social comparison of one’s own hours to the number of hours commonly spent among similar others. A group of 13,425 women and men from 25 European countries are analysed using country fixed-effects models. The results suggest that while men’s well-being appears to be unaffected by hours of paid work and housework, women’s well-being increases with increased paid working hours and decreases with increasing housework hours. Gender differences in time spent on paid work and housework account for a third of the European gender difference in well-being and are thus one reason that women have lower well-being than men have. Gender attitudes do not appear to modify the associations between hours and well-being, but there is a tendency for women’s well-being to be higher the less housework they do compared to other women in the same family situation and country. However, absolute hours of paid work and housework appear to be more important to women’s well-being than relative hours.

Gender and Job Satisfaction in Urban China: The Role of Individual,Family, and Job Characteristics

This study examines gender differences in job satisfaction in urban Chinese, whether individual achieved status, family and household characteristics, and job characteristics explain these differences, and whether these factors are associated with men’s and women’s job satisfaction differently using a national representative sample of 1,641 men and 1,375 women from the 2006 Chinese General Social Survey. Urban Chinese women are less satisfied with their jobs than urban Chinese men. This gender difference is largely explained by women’s underrepresentation in the Chinese Communist Party and their inferior jobs. Family and household characteristics have stronger impact on women’s job satisfaction than on men’s, but achieved status and job characteristics have similar associations with job satisfaction for men and women. These findings suggest that persistent gender inequality is detrimental to women’s well-being at the workplace.     

The Standard of Living of the Workers in a Spanish Industrial Town: Wages,Nutrition, Life Expentancy and Heigth in Alcoy (1870–1930)

This is the first study that empirically examines how migration influences migrants’ time use patterns in China, utilizing a mixed-method approach. We systematically estimate the migration effects on weekly hours on working, leisure, personal care and domestic responsibilities, based on data from the nationally representative 2010 Chinese Family Panel Studies. We then supplement these analyses with in-depth interviews conducted in Beijing to further understand the underlying mechanisms. Compared with urban locals, rural-to-urban migrants have longer work hours and less leisure time. The largest differences are found among men. On average, migrant men work 5 h longer and have 7 fewer hours of leisure per week than urban local men. These differences are moderated by migrants’ and their parents’ socioeconomic status, and their family responsibilities. The in-depth interviews reveal that the busier work schedules are largely motivated by the transient nature of most rural-to-urban migration and the overwhelming economic pressures for household establishment and career development.     

Racial-Ethnic Differences in U.S. Married Women’s and Men’s Housework

Married women continue to spend more time doing housework than men and economic resources influence women’s housework more strongly than men’s. To explain this, gender theorists point to how gender figures into identities, family interactions, and societal norms and opportunity structures. The extent of this configuration varies culturally and, in the United States, by race-ethnicity because of how race-ethnicity conditions access to resources and influences gender relations within marriages. Housework levels and gender differences may be lower in Black married couples compared to other couples because of Black women’s higher historical levels of employment and consequently long-standing need to balance work and family responsibilities. Race-ethnicity also likely conditions the symbolic meaning and thus association of economic resources and housework. We use pooled time diary data from the 2003 to 2007 American Time Use Study from 26,795 married women and men to investigate how and why race-ethnicity influences housework. Our results indicate Hispanic and Asian women do more cooking and cleaning compared with White and Black women and the inverse relationship between women’s earnings and housework is steeper for Hispanic women compared with other women. We find no evidence that married Black men devote more time to housework than White men, either core or occasional, unlike earlier studies.