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1.
There is little research on the relationship between welfare policies and immigrant entrepreneurship. Accordingly, this paper examines changes in three welfare domains: child-care, health/medical insurance, and unemployment insurance in the context of France since roughly the 1980s, but with a focus on the 21st century. Given changes in French welfare policy, I show that immigrants' greater access to fluctuating, sometimes declining, but overall increasing spending in the three domains, can be positively correlated with slowly increasing immigrant entrepreneurship since the early 2000s. However, I also argue that welfare policies do not seem to have a significant effect on the levels and survival of immigrant-owned firms in France. The findings of this paper should nonetheless be taken with extreme caution in light of the obstacles to analyzing this relationship. As a consequence, I provide an assessment of three possible research designs as a route towards better understanding this relationship.  相似文献   

2.
《Social Networks》1988,10(2):183-208
The article is oriented towards the dynamics behind the network of interlocking directorates. In the interorganizational perspective the stability of different types of interlocks/lines between corporations is of strategic importance; in the intraclass perspective, the carriers of persons. The article therefore analyzes both. It shows that particularly primary interlocks (interlocks between the corporation in which the multiple director has an inside position and the other corporations in which he has outside positions) as well as multiple interlocks between corporations are considerably more stable than other interlocks. They are most likely being used for interorganizational purposes. Most of the interlocks however are generated by a very specific career pattern in which an executive position in a large corporation is almost a prerequisite to obtain many directorships.  相似文献   

3.
Khan  Mokbul A. 《Sociological Forum》1999,14(1):137-154
This paper explores Hout's (1980) conceptual model of the development–fertility relationship under trade dependency of Hispanic America, 1950–1990. The results of this study are that the effects of development and dependency on fertility are consistent with Hout's (1980) theory and his findings and that his positive development × dependency interaction term is not replicated. Thus, the well-known long-term negative effect of development might have been misspecified in Hout's model. In contrast to Hout's findings, our results based on all models support that as dependency increased, the long-term negative effect of development on fertility increased in magnitude for Hispanic America. Hence, the findings of this study suggest that the fertility transition for Hispanic America can occur based on an explanation that is alternative to what world system theorists' have so far offered.  相似文献   

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In 1965 and 1973, the governments of the USA and Australia, respectively, abolished their racially discriminatory immigration policies. A line had seemingly been drawn in the sand in which one's race, nationality or ethnicity would no longer be grounds for exclusion. As a consequence of these reforms, the source countries of immigrants to Australia and the USA diversified. How did politicians react to this change? This article finds that although overtly racist immigration policies had become a relic of the past, a number of mainstream politicians in both countries did not welcome the outcomes of race-blind immigration policies.  相似文献   

8.
《Journal of Socio》2000,29(4):389-401
Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY), this study analyzes the effects of cognitive skills on the wages of Whites and African Americans in white and blue collar occupations. The results show that cognitive skills, net of education, are important predictors of wages across all occupations. Mathematics skills, in particular contribute to significant wage premiums for workers in white and blue-collar occupations, with the exception of Blacks in blue-collar professions. English skills lead to significant wage premiums only for Blacks in blue-collar occupations. While the incorporation of cognitive skills narrows the Black-White wage gap considerably, the effects of skills on the wages of Blacks and Whites are far from uniform. The results also show that despite using detailed controls for the quality of education, an extra year of schooling yields the highest wage premium for Whites in all occupations.  相似文献   

9.
This study examines educators' responses to the local implementation of national special education policy changes for children with “high-incidence,” (mild cognitive and behavioral) disabilities. Sensitized by a sociocultural, developmental perspective, we examined Japanese and U.S. national educational policies for the support of children with high incidence disabilities and their implementation in local public schools. Twenty-six Japanese and 18 U.S. elementary school educators participated in individual interviews and discussed their experiences and perceptions of special education policies and their local implementation. Educators in both countries expressed common challenges, specifically, balancing legal requirements with everyday practices, adjusting to policy shifts, and negotiating support for children within and outside of their classrooms. Yet their experiences were culturally nuanced reflecting 1) relatively flexible (Japan) or fixed (U.S.) legal requirements, 2) shifts to more specialized (Japan) or more classroom-based (U.S.) support, and 3) established practices of classroom-based support (Japan) or pull-out support (U.S.). These cultural differences are examined in historical and sociocultural contexts, and implications are discussed for educators, social work practitioners, and policy makers in both Japan and the U.S.  相似文献   

10.
This study focuses on the regime of the spectacle as it is deployed by the postcolonial state to establish hegemony and claim legitimacy, with reference to Zimbabwe from 1980 up to the establishment of the Government of National Unity in 2008. This period is dominated by the ZANU–PF narrative of the nation, in which imagining the nation excludes and disposes of undesirable individuals and groups. The study is framed by Achille Mbembe’s critique of the postcolony with special reference to two key terms – metafiction and dramaturgy of the state’s magnificence – in order to analyse how spectacle creates and occludes meaning. Guy Debord’s concept of the ‘society of the spectacle’ has also been adapted here to extend Mbembe’s analysis of the spectacular in the postcolony. In the context of the Zimbabwean postcolony, this allows for a reading of post‐2000 legislative and bureaucratic manoeuvres as marking a surge in the mediatisation of politics to demonstrate state power using symbols, described here as symbolic capital, to forge national homogeneity. The state sought to re‐energise its patriotic metafiction through galas, biras, funerals, commemorations and other state rituals. A particular obsession with the cemetery defines the necropolitan imagination and underpins an aesthetics of heroism. This article explores the implications this has had in the production of vulgar materialism, violence and insecurities of citizenship and nationality.  相似文献   

11.
This article examines the changing images of womanhood within two American Catholic publications: Catholic Mind and Catholic Digest. In the early 1950s, the periodicals had similar constructions of women, with a divergence in thought in the 1960s. Catholic Mind wrote very little on women for the majority of the decade. Catholic Digest in the 1960s featured women who worked in traditionally male roles while they also maintained that women’s primary sphere was in the home. The difference between the two publications becomes stark in the 1970s. Catholic Digest leaned conservative to mainstream and focused on women’s roles in home and secular society without asking ecclesial questions. Catholic Mind’s articles on women primarily examined ecclesial roles (e.g., women’s ordination) and demanded equality in the secular world. This fissure in female identity among American Catholics coincides with the political divide in the United States more generally.  相似文献   

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A central concern over global value chains (GVCs) is whether the integration of national firms into GVCs exacerbates income inequality within countries. However, despite decades of research, the distributional consequences of GVCs remain unclear in the empirical literature. Drawing on panel data from 96 countries between 1980 and 2013, we examine the effects of GVC integration on market income inequality and whether national labour regulations moderate these effects. We find integration increases inequality in the global North and South. More importantly, we find labour regulations amplify the inequality effects of integration in Southern countries by expanding the size of the informal sector while suppressing these effects in Northern countries by promoting unionization. This suggests institutional power from national labour regulations may enhance the bargaining power of labour in the North through increasing collective resources while disempowering labour in the South through reinforcing labour market segmentation between formal and informal sectors.  相似文献   

14.
Prior research documented a number of factors pertaining to employees or to organisational cultures that can prevent employees from accessing employer-driven work–life policies (WLP). Our study focuses on factors originating in the jobs themselves. We conducted 98 in-depth employee interviews in two multinational companies based in Europe and led feedback sessions with human resources executives. Three mechanisms explained the observed stratification of access to WLP across jobs: (1) the intra-organisational digital divide prevented ‘less digital’ employees from collecting information about WLP on the intranet and thus impaired awareness of the policies; (2) the divide in worksite size prevented employees on smaller worksites from accessing childcare centres, sports or health facilities and (3) the divide in job types restricted access to WLP for specific occupations. The stratification of access to WLP was not strategically driven by human resources; rather the divides were largely unintentional. Our study uncovers inequalities of access originating in the jobs themselves and provides a theoretical integration of the various sets of factors that may promote or hinder employee awareness of WLP. Our findings suggest that organisations should strive to identify these inequalities and to provide ways to cope for these, for instance by offering other forms of support.  相似文献   

15.
Recent research highlights the importance of non-governmental organizations in environmental enforcement. These studies largely describe the operations of enforcement organizations locally. The present study offers an alternative perspective by considering environmental enforcement by international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). We employ the treadmill of production thesis to investigate the formation of environmental enforcement INGOs between 1950 and 2010. Prais–Winsten estimation techniques are used to investigate whether the formation of environmental enforcement INGOs is correlated with the global ecological footprint, gross world product, and/or organization density. Results confirm that there is no correlation between the ecological footprint and INGO formation. There is, however, considerable evidence of an inverted-U association between density and founding (p?相似文献   

16.
This article documents key aspects of the role played by University students in Botswana in the liberation struggle, from the early years of the University in the mid‐1960s to the year of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980. Three demonstrations by University students are analysed, and the article concludes that, contrary to the received literature, the University contributed to the liberation struggle in a meaningful way. Although students at the University continued to play a part in the liberation struggle after 1980, this period is not discussed as the liberation struggle became just one of the key agenda items in a broadened political programme that focussed on local concerns of the students such as fees, allowances, institutional governance and democratisation.  相似文献   

17.
The aim of this article is to explore welfare policies for children in five Nordic countries—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden—and in that context identify what kinds of issues and challenges social work is currently facing. The data reviewed consist of policy documents, law texts, official reports, statistics, professional texts, and previous research. Policies and laws on children's protection; provisions, including policies on state benefits and care for children; and the autonomous integrity of children in terms of the norms and policies concerning their participation, in particular in public everyday life, are analysed from a historical perspective. Hence, future challenges for social work are analysed in light of the past. Our conclusion is that social workers have a unique opportunity, based on their close encounters with children as clients, to work for the realisation of children's rights. Furthermore, by applying a holistic perspective to issues of childhood and parenthood, social workers can contribute to the development of knowledge on how welfare systems can meet the challenges brought about by the new ideas of children's rights, social changes, globalisation, and the new ideological concepts of risk that have arisen in child welfare.

Artikkeli tarkastelee lasten hyvinvointipolitiikan kehitystä viidessä Pohjoismaassa—Tanskassa, Suomessa, Islannissa, Norjassa ja Ruotsissa—ja sen valossa sitä millaisia kysymyksiä ja haasteita tämän päivän lasten hyvinvoinnin parissa tehtävä sosiaalityö kohtaa. Artikkelissa on käytetty aineistona erilaisia politiikkadokumentteja, lakeja, julkisia raportteja,tilastoja, professionaalisia kirjoituksia sekä aiempaa tutkimusta. Artikkelissa analysoidaan historiallisesta näkökulmasta lastensuojelun, sosiaalipalvelujen, lapsille suunnattujen sosiaalisten tukien sekä lasten osallistumista koskevia normeja ja toimintapolitiikkaa. Sosiaalityön tulevaisuushaasteita analysoidaan menneisyyden valossa. Johtopäätöksemme on, että sosiaalityöntekijöillä on ainutlaatuinen mahdollisuus, joka perustuu heidän läheisiin työskentelysuhteisiinsa vaikeissa elämäntilanteissa olevien lasten kanssa, olla lasten oikeuksien todellisia toimeenpanijoita. Lisäksi lapsuuden ja vanhemmuuden näkökulmat yhdistävästä toimintapaikastaan käsin juuri sosiaalityöntekijät voivat vaikuttaa tutkimukseen ja kehittämiseen niin, että hyvinvointipalvelut ja –etuudet kohtaisivat nykyistä joustavammin lasten oikeuksien, yleisen yhteiskuntamuutoksen, globalisaation ja kovin ideologisena pitämämme riskiajattelun haasteet.  相似文献   


18.
On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of Angola’s independence, this essay revisits key dimensions of the country’s postcolonial trajectory through the prism of the complex politics of the nationalist struggle and the first decades of self-rule. Its goal is to provide a series of reflections, mostly centred on the MPLA regime, rather than a comprehensive treatment of all political actors in Angolan politics of recent decades. It argues, firstly, that Angola’s trajectory from independence to the end of the country’s long civil war in 2002 was powerfully conditioned by the structural legacies of late colonialism, the associated intra-nationalist politics and the particular circumstances of the end of empire in 1975. To these legacies, the essay adds the (constrained, but real) choices made by Angolan decision-makers in terms of institutional consolidation, the management of the economy and state–society relations. Secondly, the essay outlines the extent to which the MPLA’s 2002 victory against UNITA in the country’s civil war did away with the fragmentation that had characterised Angolan politics since the 1960s. The clashing, indeed mutually exclusionary, nationalist projects that had jostled for control of the Angolan state were replaced by a would-be hegemonic political force with a strong sense of legitimacy and a self-defined project of postwar nation building. The key question for the contemporary study of Angola – and one that the oil-fuelled politics of the national reconstruction era provided plenty of reflection on – is the extent to which the MPLA’s postwar vision can supersede the country’s historical divisions and provide the population with both the material prosperity it yearns for and a shared understanding of belonging.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Harry Specht's argument against private practice is really an argument against social work's involvement in psychotherapy. He says it's not social work, despite the fact that social work provides more psychotherapy than any other profession in the nation, and more professional social workers are involved in it than in any other method of intervention.  相似文献   

20.
This study seeks to explore transnational communication among migrants of the Irish diaspora through an examination of the Orange Order's networks. It draws upon rare local and district records and press accounts to explain the migratory links and social worlds of Orange emigrants from Ulster. The substance of the study echoes the findings of Canadian historians who have much richer records than exist in the public domain in Britain. It demonstrates how Orangemen in Ireland came to recognise the diasporic dimension of their movement, and how members used the Order to negotiate some of the pathways of migration that were an important feature of their lives, and in the lives of the working class more generally. The essay generally seeks to demonstrate that the Orange Order acted as a network of friendship, camaraderie and support for emigrants and immigrants in the British World in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.  相似文献   

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