关于对清真食品加强管理的思考与建议

民以食为天,形象地说明了食品在人们日常生活中的重要性。在中国,超过2000万的穆斯林人口中,除了主要信仰伊斯兰教的回族、维吾尔族、哈萨克族、柯尔克孜族、东乡族、撒拉族、塔吉克族、乌孜别克族、保安族、塔塔尔族等10个民族外,在西藏和青海有一部分信仰伊斯兰教的藏族穆斯林,在内蒙阿拉善有一部分信仰伊斯兰教的蒙古族穆斯林、在云南有一部分信仰伊斯兰教的白族穆斯林,在全国各地还有一部分信仰伊斯教的汉族穆斯林。他们由于特有的伊斯兰教宗教信仰,     

从穆斯林服饰文化看伊斯兰教的伦理道德

人类各民族的发展历史表明,人们的穿戴服饰,不仅有御寒防晒的作用,而且还有遮盖羞体、装饰、表明身份等伦理和审美的意义。遍布于世界各地的穆斯林由于地区、环境等各方差异,他们的穿戴千差万别。在中国的民族园地,信仰伊斯兰教的民族有10个,传统习俗中服饰具有多样性。但由于信仰伊斯兰教的缘故,他们都又共同遵循着伊斯兰教法中关于服饰的基本原则,在此基础上形成了穆斯林的服饰文化。穆斯林服饰文化是宗教礼仪服饰文化与世俗服饰文化的有机结合,体现着穆斯林的智慧与民族精神。穆斯林服饰文化具有鲜明的宗教特征。     

对苏联穆斯林民族的再认识——兼论戈尔巴乔夫的民族政策

苏联解体与民族宗教问题密切相关。在苏联改革时期,戈尔巴乔夫重视东正教,忽视伊斯兰教,厚此薄彼的做法激活了穆斯林民族对于伊斯兰宗教与文化的向往,导致宗教和民族热情高涨,民族间流血冲突不断,东正教徒和穆斯林矛盾加剧。苏联穆斯林的行为表明,伊斯兰教是穆斯林社会生活不可分割的组成部分,他们希望国家保护信仰伊斯兰教的权利,并非要反对国家政权和谋求分离。因此,重新认识苏维埃国家和穆斯林民族的互动关系,对于多民族国家处理好穆斯林民族问题具有借鉴意义。     

中国穆斯林身份界定的两点问题讨论

过去的学术研究中,对中国穆斯林群体的界定以及穆斯林身份与民族先赋特征等问题,有一些不太严谨准确的表述,通常用一般的社会观念代替严谨的学术概念,但学术界并未对此给于足够的重视与探讨。本文对有关问题从民族学、人类学及逻辑学的角度,进行了分析讨论。文章认为:1.在中国,全民族基本信仰伊斯兰教的民族有回、维吾尔、哈萨克、乌兹别克、塔塔尔、柯尔克孜、塔吉克、撒拉、东乡、保安等10个民族。另外,有少部分其他民族成份的穆斯林。2.原本非穆斯林群众,信仰伊斯兰教后,成为穆斯林,但其民族属性一般不可改变。以上问题的准确表述,有利于人们对民族和宗教关系的认识     

论伊斯兰教的中国化和回族化

伊斯兰教进入中国的方式是宗教与民族俱来的。伊斯兰教作为外来宗教,它在中国传播,必然面临中国化的选择和实践;伊斯兰教作为世界性宗教,信仰伊斯兰教的穆斯林在中国多元汇聚,一体融合为回族,伊斯兰教也面临着回族化的选择和实践。中国化和回族化既有区别,又是一个过程中联系紧密的两个方面,是共同在中国特殊的政治文化环境中展开和完成的。     

伊斯兰教在西北的传播

伊斯兰教在西北的传播刘富祯西北地区，包括陕西、甘肃、宁夏、青海和新疆维吾尔族自治区，有回、东乡、保安、撒拉、维吾尔、哈萨克、乌孜别克、柯尔克孜、塔吉克、塔塔尔等民族信仰伊斯兰教，是中国穆斯林的主要聚居区。唐宋之际，伊斯兰教伴随着中亚穆斯林的丝路之旅东...     

多民族聚居区民族关系研究——以临夏回族自治州为例

当代民族关系是我国民族学研究领域的重要方面,也是当今世界热点问题之一。在我国民族关系研究中,信仰伊斯兰教的穆斯林民族与汉族之间的民族关系,尤其受到学者们的重视。临夏回族自治州素有"小麦加"之称,是中国伊斯兰教的文化中心。这里的回、东乡、保安、撒拉等信仰伊斯兰教的民族占该州总人口的57﹪,是穆斯林民族聚居相对集中之地。文章从该田野点民族关系的考察调研入手,以获取的数据资料和相关文献为基础,进行分析研究,提出客观的认识、评估与建议。     

明代政府对伊斯兰教的基本政策和信仰伊斯兰教的居民分布

明代是伊斯兰教发展的重要阶段,明政府对伊斯兰教实行优容与约束并行的宗教政策.相比于之前穆斯林多以“藩客”形式生活,明代的穆斯林更加本土化,伊斯兰教在中国的分布格局基本形成.从地 域角度来看,明代伊斯兰教分布呈现出大分散、小集中、遍布三级政区的格局;从民族角度来看,以维吾尔族为代表的新疆地区信仰伊斯兰教居民和以回族为代表的内地信仰伊斯兰教居民两大系统形成.     

哈尔滨穆斯林丧葬习俗演变探析

哈尔滨穆斯林是在特定的历史条件下迁徙到黑龙江省的、信仰伊斯兰教的民族,因此其生活习俗、饮食习惯、婚姻习俗乃至丧葬习俗都不同于当地传统风俗,带有明显的宗教特点和民族特色.近年来,随着哈尔滨的穆斯林们与当地人的和睦相处和文化的相互融合,其传统习俗在保持伊斯兰教教义不变的前提下,发生了一些变化,而其丧葬习俗作为传统习俗中的一部分,也产生了一些变化.     

回族穆斯林经济特点与西道堂经济发展模式

回族穆斯林经济特点与西道堂经济发展模式敏生光回族是我国信仰伊斯兰教的１０个少数民族中人数较多的一个民族，回族穆斯林遍及全国各地，而以西北地区聚居比较集中。由于我国传统文化和伊斯兰教精神的长期儒染熏陶，使回族穆斯林的性格中特别表现出了坚毅顽强、吃苦耐劳...     

文化融合与民族大学生国家认同教育

文化融合是一种客观的历史现象,也是现今的一种社会存在状态;是民族关系的重要内容,也是文化得以发展的重要途径。国家的概念则是近现代才从西方国家传入的新鲜产物,是生活在其地域范围内的人们对其所在国家的认识、评价与情感,主要表现于国家政治共同体和结构层面以及共同的中华民族的精神层面的认同。国家认同于国家本身、于个人都具有非常重要的意义,其中少数民族的国家认同问题显得尤为迫切。而国家认同教育是国家认同构建中的重要内容和方式。学校教育是建立国家认同的有效途径。我国的各民族的文化融合是少数民族国家认同教育的前提与基础、有力保障、表现形式,也是少数民族大学生国家认同教育的高级目标,具有重要的意义与深远的影响。我国也从中国的实际情况出发,并吸收了中国历来坚持＂和而不同＂处理民族关系的宝贵经验与优秀传统,制定出了相应的民族政策,坚定地保障民族文化融合,加强少数民族的国家认同教育,促进国家的稳定与团结。     

北方民族与萨满教

我国北方各民族,包括东北和西北的阿尔泰语系各民族,自古以来一直信仰原始宗教—萨满教。尽管一些民族后来信仰了现代宗教,如伊斯兰教、藏传佛教,但萨满教的痕迹还在,依然影响着他们的生活与习俗。本文从北方古代民族的萨满教信仰论起,直到现代民族的萨满教传承与遗存,对北方民族与萨满教的关系进行了阐述。     

族群理论及其在我国应用的反思

族群研究是当前我国社会科学研究的一个热点,既取得了很大的进展,也凸显出一些深层次的问题.这些问题既妨碍了学术研究的"求真",也妨害了我国民族问题的"善治".本文对族群理论的缺失以及我国族群研究中存在的问题作了初步的探讨.     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

中伊合璧,文脉不绝——回族文化的核心理念探析

回回民族是诞生于中华大地且文化起点较高的一个年轻民族。回族文化吸纳和融合了伊斯兰文化和中华文化的精粹,底蕴深厚,义理深邃,内涵丰富,特色鲜明。回族文化不仅塑造了回回民族的民族精神和民族性格,而且丰富了中华民族的文化宝库,是中华文化的宝贵财富。全面研究回族文化,进而深入探究回族文化的核心理念,准确把握回族文化的基本精神,不仅有利于回族人民实现文化自觉,增强民族自豪感和凝聚力,而且有助于建设中华各民族和而不同、和合共生的和谐文化,促进民族团结,构建和谐社会。     

民族团结进步政策创新的若干建议——基于江苏省民族工作经验的调查

民族团结进步事业是民族散杂居地区一项复杂而艰巨的任务。新世纪以来,江苏省民族团结进步事业的发展面临着少数民族流动人口逐年增多、城市少数民族贫困人口有所增加、城市清真网点建设困难、民族工作机构和制度有待加强等新情况。通过调查,我们认为应该更新理念,深化民族工作的社会化发展;进一步健全民族工作机构建设;大力推进全国性社区民族工作的开展;切实加强流动人口服务管理;要加大清真网点扶持管理力度;鼓励民族团结宣传教育和创建活动的创新。     

中国的民族问题与20世纪50年代的“民族识别”

自1949年以来,中国参照苏联模式建成一个"多民族国家",在50年代开展了"民族识别"工作,政府组织专家学者深入各地调查,最后正式"识别"出56个"民族",这样一个民族格局构成了现今中国民族关系的基本框架和所有制度、政策设计实践的基础。为了更加深入地分析建国后60年中国在民族工作方面的实践,反思在民族工作中出现的经验和教训,重新思考并开展对50年代"民族识别"工作的口述史调查,分析当时的历史条件和社会背景,讨论这一格局对今天中国民族问题的影响是非常有必要的。本文讨论了中国民族问题的基本特点,民族问题研究者面对的几大难题,简略分析了"民族识别"工作的基本情况。半个世纪过去了,我们在思想和观念上得到解放,学术理论上也开阔了视野,对于20世纪50年代"民族识别"工作的再认识,理应成为今后中国族群问题一个重要研究的专题。     

高校少数民族毕业生就业问题及对策研究——以西南民族大学为例

大学生就业问题近年来成为社会各界关注的热点问题,少数民族大学毕业生的就业问题因其既具有共性,又带有特性,更应成为关注的焦点。本文基于对西南民族大学少数民族毕业生就业问题的调研,发现当前成都地区高校少数民族毕业生一定程度存在热衷大城市就业,沟通能力相对不足,从事工作与所学专业不对口,易受到不公对待等就业问题。究其原因,我们认为与少数民族大学毕业生的传统择业观、汉语水平、学校的专业设置以及用人单位的不当认识有关。为此,本文提出政府应加大对少数民族大学毕业生就业的关注程度;学校应提高少数民族大学生的综合素质;社会应创造公平公正的就业环境;少数民族大学生应提升自身能力、转变择业观念等相关对策建议。     

多元文化教育视角下的少数民族公民教育

中国是由 5 6个民族组成的多民族国家 ,每一个少数民族都拥有自己独特的文化传统与宗教信仰 ,因此 ,少数民族人民的公民教育便具有自身的特点和规律性。从多元文化教育理论的角度思考少数民族公民教育模式 ,探索多元文化基础上的公民培养机制 ,具有重要的现实意义     

西部民族高校对外汉语教材本土化研究

汉语国际传播中,对外汉语教学存在着教师、教材和教法的本土化问题。其中教材的本土化是关键。目前西部民族高校缺乏本土化的对外汉语教材,致使学习者不能通过教材了解西部少数民族文化。编写西部区域特色教材要突破的难点是初级教材课文语料超纲词的问题;中级、高级教材课文语料易读性的定量分析问题。