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依法执政的宪政价值阐释 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
现代政党制度是宪政理念和宪政制度的重要组成部分,因此,中国共产党提出的依法执政的执政方式也必然具有一定的宪政价值。依法执政是中国共产党建设有中国特色社会主义宪政道路的有益探索,有利于中国共产党执政的程序化和法律化,从而推动我国宪政制度的建设和完善。依法执政是我国宪政发展的必然要求,中国共产党只有依法执政才能实现宪政的实质价值和形式价值。 相似文献
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依法执政能力是党的执政能力建设的核心。提高党的依法执政能力关键在于实行宪政,在宪政建设中夯实执政党的合法性基础。面对执政方式的转变,党内存在一些认识上的误区,认为实行宪政会削弱党的领导,不利于党的执政能力建设。只有澄清认识,形成宪法思维,并在实践中树立宪法的权威,才能真正促进党的依法执政能力的提高。 相似文献
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加强党的执政能力建设的关键是要改革党的执政方式,实行依法执政。依法行政是近现代以来对国家政府治理行为的基本要求。依法执政和依法行政是两个不同的范畴,但二者又具有密切的联系:二者都是法治原则的要求;依法执政是依法行政的前提和保证,依法行政是依法执政的具体实现形式;依法执政与依法行政在政权组织形式制度上具有内在一致性。应对我国的政权组织制度进行改革,以实现依法执政和依法行政。 相似文献
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在新形势下,中国共产党要提高自己的领导水平和执政能力,必须改进党的执政方式,不断强化执政意识,提高执政本领,切实做到依法执政而不是以党代政。坚持依法执政,是实行依法治国基本方略、发展社会主义民主政治的必然要求。 相似文献
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依法执政是新的历史条件下党执政的一个基本方式,通过依法执政,能够科学合理地处理国家政务,提高执政效率,而在这一过程中,则能够不断提高党的执政能力。因此,依法执政是提高党执政能力的重要途径。 相似文献
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《社科纵横》2015,(8):11-14
中国共产党在当代中国的特殊地位,决定了提升党依法执政的能力是实现国家治理现代化的必由之路。原因在于,提升党依法执政能力是实现国家治理现代化的必要前提、当然之义和有力保障。提升党依法执政的能力面临的问题主要有:人治传统与人情社会的束缚,既得利益和利益固化的制约,考核评价机制的影响。要从三个方面来提升党依法执政能力,推进国家治理现代化:党员干部要勇于从过往人治思想的惯性与人情社会的束缚中解脱出来,善于运用法治思维和方式开展工作、解决问题;突破既得利益的藩篱,打破利益固化的局面,解决好制约党依法执政能力提升的瓶颈问题;完善党员干部的考核评价机制,为提升党依法执政能力提供外在驱动力。 相似文献
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邓小平依法执政理论探究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
党的十六大首次提出的依法执政理念作为执政能力建设的重要组成部分,其内容十分广泛。邓小平同志关于加强法制建设和改善党的领导等各方面论述,为依法执政理论的提出奠定了思想基础,并构筑了依法执政理论的总体框架,为党的执政理论建设开辟了新的领域。 相似文献
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关于如何增强党的执政能力的几点思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
增强党的执政能力,要强化党的执政意识,重视理论创新和发展经济,要始终保持同人民群众的血肉联系,增强执政主体的素质和依法执政的能力,要努力加强和改进党的作风建设。 相似文献
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依法执政是加强中国共产党的执政能力建设的重要内容,是推进依法治国和实现法治的过程,是改善中国共产党的领导方式和执政方式的客观要求.中国共产党在依法执政方面还存在党法关系处理不当、党政不分等问题,通过将执政党的领导纳入程序化,制度化和规范化的范畴,完善对执政党的权力运行制约和监督机制等制度,提高其依法执政水平,加强其执政能力建设. 相似文献
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本文以对孟德斯鸠思想的社会学诠释为出发点,重返《论法的精神》,借此澄清从现代政治科学到社会学的学科转换。一方面,孟德斯鸠借助对法的重新定义,将政治科学的视野拓宽到政府之下的社会,从而推动了从政治科学到社会学的过渡;另一方面,通过澄清政府的原则与民族的一般精神、风俗和礼仪的关系指出,在孟德斯鸠那里,政治并不是社会的一个子系统或附属领域,而是从政治视角出发来看的整个社会,甚至还超出了社会。借此,我们希望突破当前社会学重视社会,轻视政治的学科思维。 相似文献
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自法治成为现代社会的基本价值共识和社会理想以来,法律与政治的关系无论是在理论界还是在实践领域都出现了对于法律自主与自治的过度偏爱,以及对于政治的不适当的贬抑.但人类自身的人性需求,特别是基于在生存的基础上对于生存的意义和价值的寻求,自然而然地就进入了政治生活和法律生活之中.因为人们过社会生活的动机,恰恰是作为个体的人的本能的自我保存所催发的人类作为整体的共同保存,这种个人私利中所蕴涵的人类共同的整体利益,成为人类生活的共同诉求.也成为法律与政治在逻辑与事实上联结的基点.在人类的生活中,无论是纯粹的私人生活领域,还是公共生活领域,其得以展开的基本前提乃是具有最起码的秩序状态,而这在逻辑上和事实上也是由政治和法律来共同完成的.不仅如此,人类生活的社会环境,以及现代社会中人类生活的自然环境或者生态环境对于人类生活的适宜性,事实上也都是由法律和政治共同构筑的,这表明人类自身的生活与发展始终是离不开政治与法律的.而从人类具体的社会生活尤其是政治生活来看,法律对于政治的意义在于,它承担着政治权力的道德性、正当性与合理性的意义赋予和意义展现的责任,使政治权力获得并维持足够的合法性,而这在实行民主、法治和宪政制度的现代社会中是至为关键的.所有这些都表明,法律与政治之间具有非常密切的内在关联,也就是说,法律与政治始终都是共生的. 相似文献
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对政治的分析不能从国家开始,而应该追溯其最基本的社会依据。从人以个体形式存在于社会这一事实所产生的社会问题来寻求政治的源起和实质具有一定的合理性。在这一过程中形成的政治活动包含两个不可分离的方面:一是权威机构确立和执行统一规则的活动;二是共同体的民众参与和影响权威机构确立与执行规则的活动。通过这两个过程实现不同利益诉求基础上的秩序与发展。人类政治活动中始终存在两种相互影响和制衡的力量,一是权力的力量;二是民众的力量;人类政治发展存在权力化与民主化的交替和博弈,从中生发出政治法治化诉求: 相似文献
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Caroline Glendinning Stephen Abbott & Anna Coleman 《Social Policy & Administration》2001,35(4):411-425
Current policy places great emphasis on the development of partnerships, particularly between NHS and local authority services, with the aims of increasing service coordination and delivery and improving health. To this end, primary care groups (PCGs), at the forefront of NHS organizational developments, are required to include a social services representative on their governing boards; similarly, primary care trusts (PCTs) have a social services representative on their executive committees. Drawing on a representative longitudinal national survey of English PCGs, the paper evaluates the contribution of these new governance arrangements to the development of inter-agency partnerships. Despite poor histories of collaboration and some major organizational barriers, there are some signs of progress, with social services representatives playing an active part in PCG affairs and having clear lines of communication about PCG matters with their employing authorities. Equally significantly, PCGs have also quickly established a wide range of contacts directly with other local authority services and departments. However, these early gains risk being limited by traditional professional inequalities between social work and medicine and, in particular, by the prospect of further organizational upheaval as PCGs merge with each other and/or acquire trust status. 相似文献
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José Luis Ramos 《Social history》2013,38(2):283-285
Susan Migden Socolow, The Bureaucrats of Buenos Aires, 1769–1810: Amor al Real Servicio (1987), xxi + 356 (Duke University Press, Durham, N.C., $45.00). W. Hamish Fraser, Conflict and Class. Scottish Workers 1700–1838 (1988), 202 (John Donald, £20.00). Margaret Ripley Wolfe, Kingsport, Tennessee: A Planned American City (1987), xii + 259 (The University Press of Kentucky, Lexington, £24.00). Carl Chinn, They Worked All Their Lives. Women of the Urban Poor in England, 1880–1939 (1988), xii + 187 (Manchester University Press, Manchester, £22.50). Linda Bryder, Below the Magic Mountain: A Social History of Tuberculosis in Twentieth‐Century Britain (1988), xv + 298 (Oxford University Press, Oxford, £30.00). F. B. Smith, The Retreat of Tuberculosis 1850–1950 (1988), 271 (Croom Helm, £25.00). 相似文献
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Nicklett EJ, Perron BE. Laws and policies to support the wellbeing of children: an international comparative analysis Int J Soc Welfare 2010: 3–7 © 2009 The Author(s), Journal compilation © 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare. The international community has raised concerns regarding the extent to which countries have implemented laws and policies to support the rights and wellbeing of children. This study evaluates the progress of least‐developed countries (LDCs) and middle‐income countries (MICs) in developing such legislation. Surveys were sent to 131 UNICEF country offices. Items included efforts to promote family preservation and family ties, family‐based care over institutionalization, and child participation in placement decisions. A total of 68 surveys were returned, reflecting a 52 percent response rate (LDC, n= 25; MIC, n= 43). Legislation that addressed abuse and neglect of children, maternity leave, removal of children from the family, family care, adoption, and guardianship was widespread. Chi‐square tests indicated that MICs had a substantially higher number of laws and policies related to child allowances, school feeding programs, maternity leave, and day care. 相似文献
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Brigitte Steinheider Vivian Hoffmeister Kara Brunk Tara Garrett Ric Munoz 《Journal of social service research》2020,46(3):394-405
AbstractHuman service professionals working in an interpersonal violence social service agency are at increased risk of experiencing emotional burnout, compassion fatigue, and high levels of stress, which may reduce work engagement, increase turnover, and ultimately negatively affect client outcomes. However, a positive organizational climate has the potential to buffer the negative effects of perceived stress on work engagement. Socio-moral climate is a behavioral-based organizational construct that assumes that workplace practices and procedures can impact employees’ attitudes and behaviors. This exploratory study (N?=?41) investigates the relationships between perceived stress, work engagement, and socio-moral climate in a social service agency serving survivors of interpersonal violence, comparing employees with direct interactions with clients in a shelter to those with indirect contact at a different location. Results of moderation analyses show that socio-moral climate significantly predicts higher work engagement, while perceived stress is negatively associated with work engagement; however, the interaction effect was not significant and there were no differences in perceived stress between both employees. Further research should continue to investigate the role of socio-moral climate on employee work engagement in social service agencies, which could improve the quality of services for their clients. 相似文献
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Naonori Kodate 《Social Policy & Administration》2012,46(3):280-301
This article examines the major malpractice incidents in the late 1990s through early 2000s in the UK and Japan, comparing how these incidents opened up pathways for a new type of hospital regulation in each case. Applying John Kingdon's three‐stream model of agenda‐setting and policy change, the article argues that governance arrangements as well as the policy instruments that a government has at its disposal determine how an event could be translated into a political agenda by throwing light on the problems within the public domain. The long‐term effect of such adverse events is therefore determined by how open the relevant institutional arrangements are, and is enhanced if actors constantly scrutinize the system by proactively setting the agenda. A higher level of political accountability in the UK led to British politicians taking a greater role in promoting patient‐led reforms than Japanese counterparts. However, a political system with clear accountability is more conscious of its own involvement and any potential blame it might receive for policy failures. Therefore, the political class could become more engaged in continuous reforms and the delegation of tasks rather than a constant search for remedial actions. The article sheds light on the interactive aspects of the particular triggering events discussed through the decade of regulatory developments in the two health‐care systems. 相似文献