The struggle for the state and the politics of belonging in contemporary Angola, 1975–2015

On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of Angola’s independence, this essay revisits key dimensions of the country’s postcolonial trajectory through the prism of the complex politics of the nationalist struggle and the first decades of self-rule. Its goal is to provide a series of reflections, mostly centred on the MPLA regime, rather than a comprehensive treatment of all political actors in Angolan politics of recent decades. It argues, firstly, that Angola’s trajectory from independence to the end of the country’s long civil war in 2002 was powerfully conditioned by the structural legacies of late colonialism, the associated intra-nationalist politics and the particular circumstances of the end of empire in 1975. To these legacies, the essay adds the (constrained, but real) choices made by Angolan decision-makers in terms of institutional consolidation, the management of the economy and state–society relations. Secondly, the essay outlines the extent to which the MPLA’s 2002 victory against UNITA in the country’s civil war did away with the fragmentation that had characterised Angolan politics since the 1960s. The clashing, indeed mutually exclusionary, nationalist projects that had jostled for control of the Angolan state were replaced by a would-be hegemonic political force with a strong sense of legitimacy and a self-defined project of postwar nation building. The key question for the contemporary study of Angola – and one that the oil-fuelled politics of the national reconstruction era provided plenty of reflection on – is the extent to which the MPLA’s postwar vision can supersede the country’s historical divisions and provide the population with both the material prosperity it yearns for and a shared understanding of belonging.     

The Critical Role of Love in Educating for Non‐violence: the messenger is the message

There is growing concern in the Caribbean about the escalating levels of youth crime and violence. My thesis is that we must stop adopting simplistic or palliative solutions which relate merely to the symptoms of the problem and instead devise solutions which are relevant to root causes. The analysis is based on the reality that every young person has a basic need for a nurturing loving environment which will foster emotional security, self‐confidence and feelings of self‐worth. It is also based on the premise that every young human being is inherently quite lovable, intelligent and well‐disposed to every other human being, but the experience of early emotional hurt and distress which remains unresolved leaves a residue of emotional pain which often manifests itself as anti‐social and violent behaviour. Both the home and the school are pivotal in the socialization of every child. Unfortunately many parents and teachers are themselves carrying around much emotional baggage based on their own unresolved issues of early emotional distress. In the more dysfunctional homes the young child, subject to constant invalidation and other emotional battering, becomes seriously at risk if his school environment is also non‐nurturing. This intervention, initiated by the author, which is being implemented in the Caribbean under the aegis of UNESCO, aims at changing the culture of the classroom by having teachers experientially examine some of their unresolved emotional issues to enable them to function in a validating, nurturing role in the classroom.

     

Inter‐ethnic conflict: a role for social work in sub‐Saharan Africa

African social work educators have consistently argued that conventional social work tasks and practice fail to address the critical socio‐economic needs of communities living in the sub‐Saharan region. This paper identifies inter‐ethnic conflict in Africa as both cause and symptom of the inequitable distribution of natural resources and public goods between ethnic groups in conditions of pressing material need. Reporting on results from a survey of social work students at the University of Ghana which explored their own experiences of inter‐ethnic conflict, this article considers alternative strategies for training in anti‐discriminatory practice. Training approaches developed in the United States of America and the United Kingdom are critically examined and the problems of their direct applicability in an African context discussed. In conclusion the need for a distinctively African approach to conflict management and anti‐discriminatory training is advanced.     

The struggle for ‘our streets’: the digital and physical spatial politics of the Ferguson Movement

ABSTRACT

The Ferguson Movement of 2014 and 2015 reached national salience immediately following the murder of Michael Brown, after residents took to social media platforms to report from what many activists called ‘ground zero.’ Some popular and scholarly conversations have couched the movement largely through its online manifestations; this study, however, places the movement within the intersections of digital and physical space as well as the broader political context of St. Louis. Triangulating data from 21 unstructured interviews with local activists in St. Louis, Missouri with GIS and digital media analysis, we illustrate how activists in the Ferguson Movement organized within St. Louis’ physical space and challenged popular arguments about resistance in digital space. Consequently, we argue that social movements’ placeness remain important despite recent emphases on digital media.     

The canary of the Constitution: same‐sex equality in the public sphere

Nowhere is the paradox between the ideals of the South African Constitution and lived reality more apparent than in public contestations around gender and sexuality. Gay and lesbian equality has come to occupy a symbolic place as a litmus test of the success of constitutional democracy in South Africa. And yet, because gay and lesbian equality is not widely supported, it is also one of the key moral barometers testing the gap between the Constitution and public opinion. This article looks at a series of public hearings held under the auspices of the National House of Traditional Leaders to gauge public opinion on same‐sex marriages. This is used as a case study to explore how sexuality becomes pivotal in debates about nationhood and belonging.     

The Renewal of an Ethnic Tradition and Its Role in Shaping the Kurds Immigrants’ Identity

The article discusses the Seharane celebrations of the Jews of Kurdistan whose immigration to Israel is a case of ‘ethno-national homecoming’. The immigrants from Kurdistan express an Israeli identity in the public renewal of these celebrations. Their leaders demanded a right to ethnic otherness that is included in Israeli society, and attempted to position themselves anew within the national space. The syncretic dynamics that were created indicate that ethnic traditions continue to serve as a resource for minority groups of immigrants and their offspring, and that a liberal state must afford their customs public legitimisation and must recognise their leaders.     

The nature of racial conflict in South Africa∗

This paper examines the bases of racial conflict in its various dimensions. Historical material from American experience is employed in an effort to reach a conceptual framework that accommodates more variables than economic ones. The distinction between class and ethnicity is discussed and an attempt is made to resolve some of the difficulties in relating the one to the other, without losing the explanatory power of either. Certain implications for conflict resolution in South Africa are drawn.     

Pragmatics for the Production of Subjectivity: Time for Probe‐Heads

This article attends to the collaborative project of Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, and specifically to their concept of “probe‐head” as mapped out in A Thousand Plateaus. Probe‐head names the rupturing of, and production of alternative modes of organisation to, the mixed semiotic of faciality that determines much of our lived life, in fact that constitutes us as “human”. In exploring this alternative “production of subjectivity” the essay attends also to Deleuze and Guattari’s notion of “several regimes of signs”, and to the idea of an experimental “pragmatics” of living. The essay goes on to map out what might be called two operating terrains of probe‐heads, in fact two different “times” of the contemporary – the past and the future – and looks at how these might be deployed against the impasses of the present. As far as the latter goes the essay looks at case studies of myth/modern paganism and contemporary art production.     

Making Yiddish modern: The creation of a Yiddish‐Language establishment in the Soviet Union

Truth and Half Truth. V.I. Kozlov, Natsionalnosti SSSR. Etnodemografichesky obzor (The Nationalities of the USSR —An Ethno‐Demographic Survey), 2nd ed., Moscow: Finansy i statistika, 1982, 303 pp.

An Unconventional History of Poland. Norman Davies, God's Playground. A History of Poland. In two volumes. Volume I: The Origins to 1795; Volume II: 1795 to the Present. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981. Vol. I, xviii + 605pp. Illus. Maps. Diagrams. Chronology. Index. £27.50; Vol. II, xxvii + 725pp. Illus. Maps. Diagrams. Chronology. Index. £27.50.

Prelude to Catastrophe. Nathaniel Katzburg. Hungary and the Jews. Policy and Legislation 1920–1943. Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 1981. 299 pp. Bibl. Index. (Publications of the Institute of Holocaust Research). N.p.     

Non‐Response in a Birth Cohort Study: The Case of the Millennium Cohort Study

The advantages that birth cohort data offer researchers interested in the measurement and explanation of change across the life course are tempered by the problem of non‐response that becomes progressively larger as cohorts age. This article sets out the extent of this problem for the first two waves of the fourth in the series of UK birth cohorts: the Millennium Cohort Study. The response rate at Wave 1 is 72%, declining to 58% at Wave 2. Sample loss between Waves 1 and 2 was due to the failure to trace families who had moved, to contact families at a known address and to refusal. The correlates of these three kinds of non‐response are different. Although non‐respondents are systematically different from respondents at Waves 1 and 2, these differences in the propensity to respond are small compared with the unequal selection probabilities built into the sample design. It is, therefore, unlikely that weighting adjustments will have a substantial effect, over and above the effect of the sample design, on longitudinal analyses based on the first two waves of the study.     

The photo‐survey research method: capturing life in the city

Recent promotion of city centre living within UK policy has led to a commensurate interest in city centre conditions and the opinions and experiences of the people who live there. An apposite, straightforward method to capture city centre residents' experiences and views is described in this article. We successfully combined a novel, under‐utilized visual technique (self‐directed photography) with qualitative methods (log‐sheets and interviews) in the form of a ‘photo‐survey’. A background to visual methodologies is presented in this article, alongside a critique of using the photo‐survey with 84 city centre residents to investigate environmental conditions and perceptions within three of the UK's major cities. The method provided a rich, detailed set of data, but also brought a number of noticeable benefits to the data collection process. The photo‐survey not only effectively captured and documented life in the city but also acted as an ‘agent for change’, evoking thoughts and feelings which ultimately encouraged participants to reflect on their existing perceptions and urban experiences. The study also raises some important considerations for future work undertaken with this method and with using photographs as a set of data, and proposes techniques for minimising potential problems.     

The Integration of Immigrants in Sweden: a Model for the European Union?

In an overall ranking by the Migration Policy Group of 2006 measuring immigrant integration policies in 28 countries, Sweden scored more points than any other country. This result is especially interesting given that Swedish integration policies differ considerably from integration policies applied in other EU countries. Whereas in countries such as the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, the United Kingdom, and France integration conditions have become increasingly restrictive in recent years, in Sweden the participation in integration courses is still voluntary and no integration requirements must be met for long‐term residence or citizenship. Moreover, the Swedish integration programme is characterised by an increasing number of labour‐market related integration measures. Yet, in contrast to the Migration Policy Group ranking, data collected from the OECD and Eurostat seem to indicate unfavourable integration outcomes in Sweden, at least in terms of labour market participation. The gap in employment rates between the native and foreign‐born population in Sweden widened during the 1990s and has not narrowed significantly since then. This means that the outcome of Swedish integration policies is at least ambiguous, which makes the use of Sweden as a model for integration policies in other member states inconceivable.     

“The waiting and not knowing can be agonizing”: tracing the power of emotions in a prolonged conflict in the South Caucasus

Moving beyond the usual strategic and national issues of war in international relations, feminist theorizing on aspects of war has stressed the pressing need to depict it as something experienced by individuals. This study addresses this need by considering the critical case of the protracted conflict over the Nagorny Karabakh region in the South Caucasus. Despite the 1994 ceasefire, no satisfactory settlement for all the parties involved in the conflict has yet been reached. In fact, since the four-day war in April 2016, the situation has become even more tense, with an increased risk of renewed hostilities. This article uses empirical research with women in Nagorny Karabakh to examine the impact of this protracted conflict through an analysis of emotions in their everyday lives. It argues that fear, grief and trauma not only affect individual women but also create a collective identity amongst them that is defined by compliance with the heightened militarization of society in this region. In this way, this study shows that emotions feed into the persistence of patriarchal relations. By exploring women’s emotions, this article contributes to the growing literature in international relations that examines war as lived experience.     

The Remains of the Say: Zero,Double‐crossing and the Landscaping of Language

This essay argues for a “landscaping” understanding of language, contrasting this with the more contemporary tradition of deconstruction, through Saussure, on difference. The paper opens with an evocation of the method of “double crossing” in Heidegger's () deconstruction of Western ontology, before drawing extensively on Heidegger's later discussion of the “bridge” to illustrate his landscaping argument over language. By crossing and criss‐crossing this reading of Heidegger with a critique of the same essay by Hillis Miller, a strong similarity in deconstructive technique is elicited despite an apparent clash in their views about language.