Furniture Design and Colonialism: Negotiating Relationships between Britain and Australia, 1880–1901

ABSTRACT

This article examines the transformation of the sociocultural meanings of manufactured goods in the production and consumption relationship between Britain and Australia. A survey of methodological approaches to material culture shows how the dominant research focus on the visible features of design, such as form and style, have obscured less visible feature of production and consumption such as class, labor, and economics. Using the discourse of trade and consumer choice in Britain and Australia, case-study material on furniture highlights the dynamic relationship between the style, form, cost, and the labor of production, and issues of class and national identity. The objects under consideration are suites of domestic furniture designed for colonial Australians in the late nineteenth century. Moreover, at this point in history, furniture was designed, made, and marketed to variously reinforce and challenge social and economic relationships between Britain and Australia. The analysis of this case-study material has wider implications for the study of historic and contemporary material culture in local and global contexts, particularly where substantial political and economic co-dependencies exist between producers and consumers.     

Collective violence in China, 1880–1980

Conclusion This article began by noting that certain current theories of rural violence, predicated upon the demise of the peasantry, are of limited applicability to China. However, it is not my intention to argue that China scholars should therefore feel free to ignore general theories altogether. Quite the contrary. As the preceding discussion has tried to show, general theories are of considerable value in illuminating our understanding of specific cases of raphy cleaves to a rigid five modes of production approach, in recent years alternative arguments have gained some currency. The least innovative of these alternatives is a resurrected Asiatic Mode of Production theory, an approach whose main appeal lies in its claim to Marxist legitimacy. Though Marx and Engels should be credited for the recognition that hypotheses developed to account for West European history may be ill-suited to explain the social history of India or China, their resort to an Asiatic Mode has, quite properly, drawn criticism. For one thing, Asian societies differed markedly among themselves. For another, the allegedly despotic political systems of Asian countries did not in fact prevent substantial socioeconomic change over time.Despite these familiar criticisms, however, in some respects the theory is of interest to the student of China. As Marx described it, the foundation of Oriental despotism was actually collective property, in most cases created through a combination of manufacture and agriculture within the small community which thus becomes entirely self-sustaining... The key to a powerful state, in other words, was the strength and isolation of local corporate communities. The theory is interesting for the attention it focuses upon two elements: the state and local collectivities.Recently in China, a number of theorists - while rejecting many of the assumptions of the Asiatic Mode - have nevertheless retained its concern with state and local society. Some theorists, characterizing the Chinese polity as an ultrastable system (chaowending xitong), have stressed bureaucratic continuity. They emphasize the homeostatic properties of the imperial political system: flexibility provided through peasant rebellions, migration, partible inheritance, and the like. Such safety-valves, these theorists suggest, allowed periodic changes in the ruling elite, but no fundamental alteration of the strong state structure itself.Other theorists, emphasizing China's small-peasant economy (xiaonong jingji), look to the peculiarities of traditional Chinese agriculture for the key to her historical experience. Chen Ping, for example, identifies the Chinese concentration on grain production, in contrast to Europe or the United States where grain production has been balanced by animal husbandry and forestry, as a critical factor. By his account, the mixture of agricultural pursuits in the West encouraged a division of labor, commercialization, and scientific progress. The Chinese system, by contrast, stunted such developments and served instead as a secure foundation for landlord-bureaucratic domination. According to Chen Ping, it was small-peasant agriculture that constituted an ultrastable economic structure (chaowending de jingji jiegou). Although particular dynasties came and went in periodic peasant rebellions, the limiting economic system continued to reproduce despotism. Chen Ping's lessons for contemporary China are basically economic: utilize the international market, diversify beyond grain production to develop an ecologically balanced agriculture, encourage a type of industrialization that complements agricultural needs.Though the critique presented by the small-peasant economy theorists remains largely in the realm of economics, another group offers a more directly political challenge. These are the writers who characterize contemporary China as operating under a system of agricultural socialism (nongye shehuizhuyi). According to their analysis, the persistence of small-scale production has given rise to a pernicious bureaucratism that permeates all facets of socialist China. Cadres - chosen for their peasant class origins rather than for any expertise - are said to operate by principles opposed to economic progress. Administrative fiat, maintained by political force, overshadows efficiency as the criterion of operational feasibility. While arguing that the root of the problem lies in small-scale peasant production, the agricultural socialism critics insist that bureaucratism has become a major barrier to further development.Limited as these various formulations are, their attention to state and local peasant society resonates with a central theme of this essay. Much more research is needed to delineate the precise structure of state and local collectivities, interactions between them, and variations over time and from one geographical setting to another. But eventually such work promises to take us nearer to the reality of the Chinese case than we can hope to approach through the wholesale transfer of theories devised to explain quite different historical developments. The peasant studies school, whose central thesis hinges - ironically enough - on the demise of the peasantry, offers but partial explanations for a society whose peasants refuse to die.

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From Migrants to Citizens: Muslims in Britain 1950s–1990s

The British Muslim community has played a major role in the public and political discourses of the state. This article charts the experiences of Muslims in Britain. From the mid-century establishment of the community through to the late 1990s this essay explores the politicisation and identity politics of this minority group. Through the case studies of the Rushdie affair and the Honeyford affair, this article seeks to contextualise and chart the development of British Islam and its continuing journey into the public sphere.     

‘With almost electric speed’: mapping African American abolitionists in Britain and Ireland, 1838–1847

African American abolitionists made an indelible mark on nineteenth-century transatlantic society: their lectures were held in famous meeting halls, taverns, theatres, churches, and the private parlour rooms of wealthy patrons across the British Isles. This article will demonstrate how digital mapping techniques reveal not only the extent of how far African Americans travelled, but also how visualizing their tours can lead to new avenues of research. Digital mapping can reinvigorate scholarship on transatlantic activism by providing original insights into journeys by men such as Frederick Douglass and Moses Roper.     

East European Jewish migrants and settlers in Belgium, 1880–1914: a transatlantic perspective

This article analyses whether the Jews leaving Tsarist Russia and the Austro‐Hungarian Empire, part of the transatlantic mass migration of the end of the nineteenth century, became subject to state control. Most emigrants from Eastern Europe in this period passed through the ports of Bremen, Hamburg and Antwerp. In the 1880s only a few emigrants were not welcome in America and sent back to Europe, but economic competition and the supposed health threat immigrants posed meant the US became the trendsetter in implementing protectionist immigration policy in the 1890s. More emigrants were returned to Europe because of the newly erected US federal immigration control stations, but many more were denied the possibility to leave for the United States by the remote control mechanism which the American authorities enforced on the European authorities and the shipping companies. At the Russian–German border and the port of Antwerp, shipping companies stopped transit migrants who were deemed medically unacceptable by American standards. The shipping companies became subcontractors for the American authorities as they risked heavy fines if they transported unwanted emigrants. The Belgian authorities refused to collaborate with the Americans and defended their sovereignty, and made shipping companies in the port of Antwerp solely responsible for the American remote migration control. Due to the private migration control at the port of Antwerp transit migrants became stuck in Belgium. The Belgian authorities wanted these stranded migrants to return “home.” It seems that the number of stranded migrants remained manageable as the Belgian authorities did not make the shipping companies pay the bill. They were able to get away by making some symbolic gestures and these migrants were supported by charitable contributions from the local Jewish community.     

Philanthropic racism in Britain: The Liverpool university settlement,the anti‐slavery society and the issue of ‘half‐caste’ children, 1919–51

The history of racial ideology in Britain has focused mainly on extreme groups of the political right. Less attention has been paid to more ‘respectable’ forms of racism. This paper attempts to redress the balance. It concentrates upon two groups, the Anti‐Salvery Society and the Settlement Movement and, with particular reference to Liverpool and Cardiff between 1919 and 1951, examines their attitudes towards Britain's ‘half‐caste’ population.     

Colonial collaborators: Britain and the Catholic Church in Trinidad,c. 1820–1840

Trinidad, a predominantly Catholic and Francophone island, became a British colony in 1802. The lynchpin of the Catholic Church’s authority and influence in the region, Trinidad’s religious culture was defined by powerful racial tensions. Francis de Ridder, a Roman Catholic priest, was born in 1800 to a slave mother and a Belgian-born planter father. As a priest and free person of colour in Trinidad between 1825 and the early 1830s, his experience reveals much about the complex, yet collaborative relationship that existed between the Catholic Church and Britain’s colonial office. This relationship, which expanded significantly between 1820 and the early 1840s, was informed by demographic change and the reorganization of ecclesiastical structures. The de Ridder case is used here as a springboard for exploring some of the ways that slaves and free people of colour were excluded from religious practice and Church authority structures. In working closely with colonial officials on the ground in Trinidad, these Catholic leaders, who were often bishops or their coadjutors, embedded the Church within the governing structures of elite white society. What emerges is a picture of a Church whose missionary leadership actively pushed non-whites to the periphery of the story of its global spread.     

The Work of the Russian Liberation Committee in London, 1919–1924

Abstract

The Russian Liberation Committee was one of the most active of the Russian émigré organizations operating in London in the period following the Russian Revolution. It acted as a clearing house for news on the Russian civil war, receiving telegrams from each of the fronts and distributing them to the British press. It also produced a variety of publications of its own, for distribution to the public, government officials and to soldiers in Russia. In this article, the Committee's work and publications are examined for the light they shed on anti-Bolshevik propaganda in Britain, and on the sources of information on the civil war available to the British press. While the Committee's efforts could not alter the pragmatic policy of the British government or the already anti-Bolshevik attitude of the British press, their presence made an important difference to the amount and kind of information that was available in Britain during the course of the Russian civil war.     

‘Unconventional modes’ of transport in rural Britain: Progress to 1985

‘Unconventional modes’ of public transport have been perceived in some quarters as a valid new policy option for tackling rural accessibility problems in Britain. The nature of unconventional modes (UCMs) and community transport (CT) is explained. Within a changing policy context, the UCM/CT sector has expanded steadily over the last 20 years. It is expedient to review the status of these modes in 1985, immediately prior to the deregulation of the British bus industry. The distribution of the most common modal types is examined more closely. Despite recent expansion and official encouragement, the ability of UCMs to alleviate rural access problems is debateable, and their future role is uncertain.     

Technological transfer: the case of Canadian involvement in the New Zealand dairy industry, 1880–1920

Although New Zealand's potential to become a major dairy exporting nation was recognised within the country by the 1890s, it was also acknowledged that a shortage of trained diary personnel was an obstacle to early achievement. In order to overcome this problem the government employed a number of Canadian and Danish dairy experts between 1890 and 1903. Three Dairy Industry Acts, passed in the 1890s, provided the necessary institutional support for development; and the overseas dairy specialists contributed to the necessary organisational, educational and technical improvements. Rising world prices, improved markets and an improvement in the quality of factory butter and cheese promoted rapid growth in New Zealand's exports of these products between 1896 and 1921. Probably the most important attribute that the four Canadians brought with them was their knowledge, training and practical experience in the dairy industry. As Commissioner or Director, a position that each was to hold, they were able to exercise leadership and influence the development. Finally, a more intangible contribution was suggested in a tribute to W.M. Singleton upon his retirement after more than forty years of New Zealand government service. That contribution was a philosophy which placed greater emphasis on instruction than inspection, and on co-operation than coercion. This educational and co-operative approach has been the hallmark of, and a major factor in, the success of the New Zealand dairy industry.     

Sociological ambivalence: The case of East European peasant-immigrant workers in America, 1880s–1930s

The paper develops an understanding of the tensions experienced by East European immigrants by drawing on the concept of sociological ambivalence: being pulled in cognitively and emotionally opposed directions generated by the social situations in which the actors are located. Using a variety of sources created by East European peasant-immigrants themselves—letters, diaries, poems, prayers, newspaper articles, and oral history collections—the paper discusses four kinds of sociological ambivalence experienced by the immigrants: (1) resulting from the multiplicity of interests incorporated in different social positions occupied by the same person; (2) induced by the opportunity structure characterized by the disjunction between culturally prescribed aspirations and socially structured avenues for realizing these goals; (3) generated by conflicting values and goals contained in a group's cultural system and in normative role expectations prescribed for its members; and (4) resulting from individuals' simultaneous orientation to several different sets of cultural values and reference groups.I wish to thank Renée Fox and Robert Merton for their very helpful comments on the original version of this paper.